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Only One Mic Podcast
Carl Jerard, Brooklyn Dre, and JRob welcome you to The Only One Mic Podcast. We are joined each week by authors, activists, advocates, community leaders, and professionals from several walks of life who would like to offer their experience, expertise, or commentary on the various topics you will be interested in learning.
Only One Mic Podcast
Unraveling The Media's Role in Racial Violence: A Conversation with Tia Oso
Are you curious about the complex interplay between media and Black liberation? Join us as we sit down with Tia Oso, a celebrated cultural strategist, activist, and social justice leader. Tia shares her passionate journey from Mesa, Arizona to the national stage and her mission to achieve media reparations and Black narrative power by 2070. We also explore the urgent need for media reparations to rectify systemic inequities and advocate for media literacy and accountability. This conversation is essential listening for anyone committed to understanding and supporting the ongoing struggle for racial equity through the transformative power of media and narrative.
Click the links below to learn more about Tia Oso, Media 2070, and the media reparations movement.
https://www.instagram.com/tia.oso/
https://mediareparations.org/
https://www.freepress.net/issues/future-journalism/media-reparations
https://twitter.com/media2070
Brothers and sisters.
Speaker 2:One mic, one mic, one mic. Give me a moment with your friend. I've never been up to a level for my thoughts before. Welcome to the only one mic Podcast called Gerard Brooklyn Dre, with our very, very special guest, ms Tia Oso. Ms Tia is a strategist, activist, speaker and social justice leader for Media 2070. Amongst other things. How are you doing, tia?
Speaker 1:Doing really well. Cj, Thanks so much for having me.
Speaker 2:Looking at your resume of like just social justice, work longer than train smoke. Let us talk about what she did here. You know this is like 10 years worth of work Global Black Solidarity and Campaigns for Black Migrant Justice in the US. Human Rights Delegations at the US-Mexican border, including multiracial and black at the border Conveyance. Launching black voter engagement projects, including A to Z Black Voter Alliance, wake Up Arizona and the Black and Engaged Tour. You have so much If I actually went through this whole resume here of stuff that you did, but this is something that you know a lot of people might really find interesting Strategic communications and cultural strategy for the 2018 mass bailout of Rackers Island with RFK Human Rights. Rackers Island is currently still a cesspool, so we thank you for that. I mean, we got a lot of friends that thank you for that as well.
Speaker 3:She's like the black Angela Davis.
Speaker 2:Yeah, how about it the?
Speaker 2:dark-skinned Angela Davis, all right, and with the hair to match folks With the hair to match folks With the hair to match. Keeping it 1,000. I want you to let the people know what you're doing. Now you work with Media 2070. I see you got a big push up there for Media 2070 as the new senior director, which looks to be a very good look for the organization. So why don't you give people a little bit more background than I can provide on this show? I could tell them about you, but I want you to tell them about yourself. Go ahead and take the floor to you.
Speaker 1:Oh yeah, no, thank you so much for that introduction. Yeah, name's Tia Oso. I use she and her pronouns. I'm based in Mesa, arizona, which is right outside of Phoenix, and you know we'll get into that when we start talking about the Tulsa Race Massacre. Why Mesa? So it's also really important. But I am a culture strategist and organizer.
Speaker 1:In all of my work I've learned how important it is that we have media and narrative and culture strategy that helps to advance our policies. The majority of my work, especially over the last 10 years, has been focused around Black liberation and also the work of like, helping to understand like global Black identities and how interconnected our struggles are. And the work of Media 2070, for those who are not familiar, is the media reparations campaign we launched in 2020 in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. The organization that we're a product of at free press. We, a group of black staff there called the black caucus, was really taking the organization to task about how you know the the racial that racial reckoning moment. Really taking the organization to task about how you know the racial that racial reckoning moment. Really taking the organization to task about how they could be putting more fuel to the fire around addressing racial injustice in this country, and we wanted to go beyond, you know, dei measures and things of that nature, to actually getting to root causes of the issues.
Speaker 1:And so, because the work that Free Press does is around the media system, we dreamed up the goal of media reparations and really developing a campaign that talks about the ways that the media has harmed Black communities, also talking about the ways that our modern day corporate media system, even the roots of it in the economics backbone of our corporate media system, are actually rooted in enslavement. For folks who may not know that history, the first colonial newspapers just like we have ad sales today on Google and AdSense and on social media colonial newspapers, you know, put out ads for runaway slaves and that's how they were able to finance their operations. And so it's really important for us to know that history and it's important for us to talk about the ways that the media perpetuates anti-Blackness and racial inequity today, and it's important for us to hold the media system to task for reparations as well. And so that is the work of Media 2070 to Afrofuturist Project, and that's why 2070, by the year 2070, our goal is to make reparations real and we are moving forward from today towards 2070, where we know that we will have one and we'll be victorious. We will have one and we'll be victorious, and we will have Black narrative power to have both the capital as well as the means of production and control and deliver and distribute Black stories and Black media.
Speaker 1:Where are you from Tia? I'm from Mesa, arizona.
Speaker 3:You're born here in the United States of.
Speaker 1:America. Born and raised yep, my dad is a Nigerian immigrant from Lagos, nigeria, but my mom is African-American.
Speaker 2:Okay, from Lagos Nigeria but my mom is African-American. Okay, so let me ask what led you into this whole you know work of activism and all, and who inspired you to do this? Like I mean, what was it? Was like somebody that you know, or was it something historical that sparked your interest?
Speaker 1:in this type of work? That's a good question. I really have to give all credit for that to my mom. Her name is Ellen Oso. She is a community organizer and an activist in her spare time if there's such thing as Black women have a spare time. She was actually a preschool teacher and worked for the county Head Start program. But my entire life growing up she was also really heavily involved in the community. So we had a block watch program that she and her friends the county Head Start program. But my entire life growing up she was also really heavily involved in the community. So we had like a block watch program that she and her friends were running.
Speaker 1:She helped to do things, like they called it, dress for Success and helping like struggling parents get the clothes and like prepare for job interviews so they can get better jobs to help support their families.
Speaker 1:She was a member of ACORN for folks who understand what ACORN was and she used to have people here you know she had the computer set up in the house and help people you know do their taxes and the way that she, you know, set that example for me. She used to my mom and her friends in the neighborhood actually like got a crack house torn down, like literally, just like you know, take control of the block type of go getter. And so I was on her hip, you know, during all of those things March of Fur, the MLK holiday here in Arizona, all of those, you know, really significant moments and so being raised by her, being a part of, you know, witnessing, you know her in action and then also, because you know our families in Arizona, also raised in a historically Black neighborhood that used to be segregated, she raised all of us with a sense of understanding. You know that we have to understand white supremacy, we have to understand what segregation is, why everybody in our neighborhood is Black and Brown.
Speaker 1:And you know, when you go across a certain street, right, the neighborhood is all white folks and having to understand how to navigate that, in that you know, when you go across a certain street, right, the neighborhood is all white folks and having to understand how to navigate that, in that you know sometimes people who you know have racial animus might try to treat a little dark skinned Black girl differently and that I ought not, you know, fall for that and I don't have to take that. And so, really, my mother raised me up both with that sense of, you know, community pride as well as a sense of understanding the history of our family and history of Black communities. You should make us read Black history at home all the time. Then I go teach you this at school. But you will learn it, you will know your history.
Speaker 1:And so I kind of naturally, out of all of my siblings, I'm the one who's most naturally rebel and most like kind of naturally inclined to speak up against injustice, and you know, in Mesa, arizona, there's like no shortage of opportunities to, you know, try to resist.
Speaker 1:So I grew up that way and then eventually, as a volunteer advocate with the Black Alliance for Just Immigration here in Phoenix during the anti-immigrant you know kind of like the height of things in 2010 and got involved with the marches and things.
Speaker 1:And then there are a lot of big rallies here where, you know, at the end of the rally they'll say, oh, if you want to work on this issue more, you can sign up in the back.
Speaker 1:That's how I got involved with Baji, first as a volunteer and then once they, you know, saw my both my personal connection with my dad, being an immigrant, and then my skills and talents as a teacher and advocate, promoted me to being the national organizer, where I was for five years, where we helped to start what everybody knows now as Black Lives Matter, like as a tool and as a tactic and communications, but also how important it is that we have culture strategy at the center of things, because, as a lot of folks know, black Lives Matter didn't necessarily have a marketing and media strategy at the beginning.
Speaker 1:They, you know, didn't get the trademark and the copyright and all those things, because nobody was thinking that it was gonna turn out to be the global phenomenon that it was. And so Baji moved me to Los Angeles, where I ended up working with the Revolve Impact Studio, met actors and activists and musicians who helped them to, you know, use their platforms for change as well, and also eventually started joining campaigns with Free Press and some of their testimonies around, like FCC and broadband access, and when they started Media 2070, I was always a supporter.
Speaker 3:How was your dad? Was your dad involved in this type of thing?
Speaker 1:No, my dad is, you know how a lot of immigrant communities. It could be a toss up of whether or not they're going to be, you know, kind of a lefty or a righty as far as things go. Luckily, my dad is a very politically aware and like aware of racial dynamics and he's very much, you know, he's good support from the sidelines but he's kind of a typical Nigerian that's very focused on making money.
Speaker 3:Yeah, you know we grew up with a lot of African brothers man that were good friends of ours. You know we grew up with a lot of African brothers man that were good friends of ours, Right, and I never really known them for being involved in type and like like activism, like regarding things. They were very political, very knowledgeable about what was going on and they would actually voice their opinion, you know, and just like a regular corner conversation, but ain't no marching or nothing like that for them. You know what I mean. So I was going to say no marching, Ain't no marching, or nothing like that for them.
Speaker 1:You know what I mean. So I was going to say no marching. And it might even be, you know. The thing I'll say is this my uncle, on my dad's side he was very much a right wing conservative political and my cousins, two of my girl cousins they are very much involved, active. I used to be on the phone with them trying to figure out hey, if somebody's on a student visa, they shouldn't be taking arrests. It's not that folks weren't out there, but it wasn't maybe as visible. And then also, as an immigrant, when you come to this country, the idea that you would be protesting and an activist is something that in your home country you could get killed. There are people here who are here, um, on asylum from being political advocates right in their home countries, and so the reason why you come to the united states is not to fight the power necessarily, even if you understand the politics of it and even if you're supportive of it with all the activism work that runs in your family.
Speaker 2:From what you're describing. One more thing Shout out to my but she did it. Did you ever have, you or your family, a lot of backlash? Because this is Arizona at the end of the day, so did you have a lot of backlash for a lot of things that you were standing up for, or did you have a lot of opposition from different other organizations or what?
Speaker 1:I'll say that the dynamics in Arizona because there was not a lot of investment in Black organizing. So especially in like 2010, 11, 12, 13, 14. This is before the post 2020 moment, where there's like a flood of resources for organizing right, because Baji was willing to invest in our organizing here, people were just happy that there was someone who was organizing. This is how I ended up being the one to organize a lot of protests and things. There was, of course, a lot of tensions around. You know, we want to have Black and Brown unity and I had to explain to a lot of people that we need to build up Black organizing before we can be on equal footing around coalition building. There's still tensions about that.
Speaker 1:I absolutely have been targeted for, you know, right-wing propaganda and like threats of violence, a lot of government surveillance, which I've learned has, you know, very much came with the territory of that work, and it did isolate me from my family somewhat because I also was very concerned for their safety and concerned that they could be targeted by that as well. And so moving to Los Angeles for me was a bit of a relief because I felt like I could distance myself at the height of my visibility I could distance, distance myself from my family members that I wanted to also help keep safe and, um yeah, definitely been called radical and told oh, you know, you're getting quite a reputation. I don't know what does that mean why?
Speaker 2:It means you're doing something right, right. So taking some people off. You're doing something right.
Speaker 1:Exactly, Exactly. We had a Asada Shakur teaching when they had escalated her on the FBI most wanted list and the number of people that were like, well, isn't she a terrorist? What are you guys doing? I was like, listen, no. So yeah, I think that that, again, my kind of natural inclination to question authority has also helped me, helped shield me from feeling too bad about getting backlash, honestly and truly.
Speaker 2:Did you ever have a conversation with Assata at all? Were you able to talk to her at all?
Speaker 1:I haven't. I know people who have spoken with her and met with her. I haven't had the opportunity to speak with her and when I had the opportunity to go on a delegation to go and meet her, I didn't go.
Speaker 2:Yeah, that's because her autobiography is one of my favorite books. I think I read a few times.
Speaker 1:Yeah, absolutely Required reading.
Speaker 3:Let me ask you a question in regards to bodgy and this.
Speaker 3:I don't know if this is a silly question, but I'll throw it at you. You tell me if it's silly or not. You get a lot of pushback from black americans in regards to this whole immigration thing, because I the reason why I ask is because, as of late, you know, with this whole, I think and I think this has to do with the whole social media thing with, like, uh, you know, this whole putting black americans against migrant workers and all that other stuff like that, it seems like lately I'm talking to Black people, black Americans, I don't care who come in this country. To be perfectly honest with you, this is my personal opinion, but I've been talking to Black Americans lately and I'm like, well, my friends and family members, and they're just saying crazy stuff, like you know they shouldn't be here, and I'm like, who made us judge and jury over? You know who should come here or not, you know. So you know, I just had to ask that question. Do you get pushback from brothers and sisters?
Speaker 1:when I first started organizing with bhaji. Um, that was you know?
Speaker 2:I'm sorry, I don't want to cut you off there, but can you explain to the people what bhaji is? That may not know, because I know we've been saying it, but a lot of people might not know what it is.
Speaker 1:No problem. So BAJI B-A-J-I stands for the Black Alliance for Just Immigration, and so our primary focus at the beginning of my career with BAJI was working to educate African-Americans about why we don't belong on the anti-immigrant side of politics, um, to help, uh, help, african-americans understand just like you just said, brooklyn dre, the ways that we're pitted, our communities are being pitted against one another. Um, this kind of false scarcity idea around you know there's a limited number of jobs. Um, that whole black jobs thing. It came up again, you know, in the president lecture this year. Um, and doing like deep education and solidarity building work.
Speaker 1:Because also, when immigrants come to this country immigrants of all you know ethnicities and backgrounds they're also conditioned with anti-Blackness and so it is like a potential wedge between our communities. And I think that what we see now happening is that there's been a, there has always been and there continues to be a concerted conservative effort to neutralize African-Americans politically, because we are the most effective political force for progressive values in the United States. And so this idea that we should be xenophobic, this idea that we should be, you know, so patriotic as to demonize and vilify immigrants, all of that is conservative talking points and conservative kind of radicalizing. A lot of it is thriving online and in digital spaces and I would question what the resources are, you know, being really poured into that. But yeah, absolutely had some very tense and hostile, you know, sessions and to the point where we had to institute a healing practice called African Diaspora Dialogues, where we would dedicate the time only to unpacking and addressing the tensions between African-Americans and Black immigrant communities and figure out, you know where there could be points of contention that could be worked out and worked through, help understand you know each other, one another's histories and one another's struggles as well, and I think a lot of that healing work and a lot of this I call it, you know, global Black identities.
Speaker 1:There's a lot of identity development work right now that is being, you know, targeted with misinformation and disinformation again against Black Americans to try to wedge us against, you know, black folks that are outside of the United States generally, which I think is really it's disheartening to see, it's really sad and it's also really dangerous because a lot of the at least the narratives that I see, are ahistorical and it is not how our forebearers in this country, the way that they thought of their identity, was not divorced from their African roots?
Speaker 1:And is not this, you know, kind of pro-USA, this kind of pro-USA narrative that we see being perpetuated right now? And I do think that it harms all of us, especially because this idea that the benefits and the programs to help assimilate or assist immigrants coming to this country there's the idea that those things are happening instead of programs happening for Black people or instead of us getting what it is that we need in our communities is false. What we should be able to see is that, oh well, if you have the resources to house people and to give people health care and to help people get jobs, and that means you have the resources for all of us to have everything that we need. Right, right.
Speaker 2:Yeah, so it sounds to me like we kind of falling for the propaganda you know absolutely normally put out, but now it's becoming more self-destructive and impulsive to the community.
Speaker 2:So that's like a good segue into what we were going to talk about. Our main topic, um, how the media plays a hand and, you know, basically destroying our people. You know, um, through means of just imagery, just putting out just little slogans, whatever it is. That's subliminal. And it's more subliminal these days because you know we have access to all the social media and you know mainstream media and all like that.
Speaker 2:So, um, to use as an example, we talk about Tulsa, oklahoma, and the narrative on most people know about the Tulsa massacres is basically, it was a black, thriving town, white people didn't like it and they just destroyed the town. Uh, but there's a lot deeper story to how they got to that point, where we got to the massacre, and a lot of people don't know that story. And when you do tell them like, wow, if we knew this, you know, implement it within our Black history people will be more educated and more aware. So, tia, if you want to go ahead and jump into, we're going to discuss how the media played a role in the Tulsa massacre, to give background on how that all started and what led up to it and how we see it today in our own media.
Speaker 1:Absolutely, absolutely. Yeah. So for folks who are familiar with the Tulsa Race Massacre in 1921, there was a young man named Dick Rowland who had some sort of an encounter. Young man named Dick Rowland who had some sort of an encounter right with a white woman at a local hotel and the details vary depending on who you talk to. And then the accounts of the incident, their interaction, you know. It goes from he disrespected her to he propositioned her to. He, you know, manhandled her in some type of way.
Speaker 1:And of course, by the time it circulates through the white community, we have this, these kind of angry armed mobs saying that you know we're going to bring this man to justice. And over multiple days, white rioters looted and burned parts of Greenwood to the ground. The governor declared martial law, african-americans were detained en masse. That you know. 24 to 36 hours of violence burned 35 city blocks. Over a thousand people were injured, something as many as, like you know, 300 by the white mobs. It hasn't ever been fully accounted for. And then, most recently, you know they've initiated a Tulsa Race Commission in 2001, you know, trying to lead up to the 100 year anniversary, which happened in 19, excuse me, 2021, in order to hold the government to account and to fight for reparations, in which the lawsuit that has gone into court multiple times was actually just dismissed by the Supreme Court of Tulsa.
Speaker 1:And the things that I think are, you know, very particular to our conversation is around the role of the media and the newspaper coverage. There were, you know, headlines in the local newspaper, including the Tulsa Tribune, saying you know, we need to get this Negro who nabbed the white girl in the elevator attack this white girl in the elevator. Who nabbed the white girl in the elevator, attacked this white girl in the elevator. We need to talk about the ways that the media, you know, talked about the riot. Oh, there are 200 white men and women and children who were injured.
Speaker 1:Were the white men and women and children injured Because the riot came over to our side of the street? It's time for us to restore order in Tulsa and if it hadn't been for Black newspapers, like the Black Dispatch in Oklahoma, we wouldn't have ever actually known what really was happening. The coverage of the Tulsa race massacre also reflects not just what happened there in Greenwood happened as a result of these, you know, racial tensions that were fomented right by the media, the way that the media talks about demographic change. The way that the media talks about and, you know, describes the people who are moving to an area or describes these incidences. You know, did they have an interaction in the elevator or was she assaulted and accosted by this Negro man? All of those things are things that we need to look at when we talk about the role of the media and racial violence and, in particular, the Tulsa Race Massacre.
Speaker 3:Right now it's the same thing that's going on, I guess, in regards to the migrant workers. I had a sister that has a doctorate degree and I'm sitting there, I'm talking to her and she was spouting all this stuff to me about these migrant workers in New York, about how they're destroying New York and all this other stuff like that. And I'm like I'm from New York. Their problem is not the migrant workers. You know what I mean. It's not at all the migrant workers. You kind of see how people are sheep, right.
Speaker 1:Like you know, if you pump enough information to a person like, they'll just regurgitate it like it's true, I think not even just you know, to be fair to people, I wouldn't call them sheep, but let's think about the power of media this is a podcast right the power of sharing information with people, the power of you know, packaging information for folks, because especially you know now, but back then you know we're talking about a newspaper the resources and the amount of time that it takes to put together documents and spread information gives it a sense of legitimacy and gives it an air of legitimacy and authority If we live in a society where so much is happening. Oh my gosh, I need somebody to explain it to me. We have a lot of trust in the media and this is also why Black newspapers are so important. We have to have our own media right. It became really clear. It's like, oh, we can't trust these media institutions again that are built off of running ads for runaway slaves the Tulsa Tribune was running ads for the Ku Klux Klan, okay.
Speaker 1:And so I think that, and as people we have to also understand that narrative and storytelling is so important to how we make sense of the world around us, and that's what we see happening when misinformation and disinformation becomes fixed in people's minds. Because if I read it, it must be true. I read it somewhere. You hear it all the time. I read it somewhere, I heard it somewhere, right, that's what media is. That's the purpose of media. That's why, you know, even this outlet and this podcast exists is because it's important for us to talk about things Right. It's important for us to tell stories. It's important for us to share information. As you know, human beings, it's a very human thing to want to try to make sense of something and to look for a resource that's going to help it to make it make sense to you, a resource that's going to help it to make it make sense to you.
Speaker 1:And the fact that the dominant media and corporate media has been used as a weapon against our communities, not just with newspapers but we talk about, you know, cnn and the 24 hour news cycle and the crime beat. There's a whole media industry built on, you know, reporting about crime and punishment and it also digs into our psyches around the thrills and the chills and the stories of who's really out there and who can you really trust. And look at how terrible all these crimes are, which is also racially motivated economics around perpetuating this idea of who does the most crime. Who's the most dangerous? What areas of our country? Because, as soon as I say, if you talk about gun violence, who's the most dangerous? What areas of our country?
Speaker 2:Because, as soon as I say if you talk about gun violence, what's somebody going to say? What city are they going to shout out? Yeah, New York, Chicago.
Speaker 1:Los Angeles, los Angeles, yeah, exactly. And so it's important for us to become better consumers of news and it's important for us to become more critical thinkers of everything that we see on the screen, especially now, get all the way over into AI Right and deep fakes and all of that. You can't believe everything that you see now. You have to bet the source multiple times and make sure that what is it we're seeing and hearing is authentic and, you know, get news from a variety of good sources sources, but we also and this is the thing that we are working towards with Media 2070 is we believe that we deserve to have a thriving media system so that we can have multiple good sources of information and news.
Speaker 2:Right, and even if you read like, was it Joe Torres and Juan Gonzalez's book News for All.
Speaker 1:People News for All.
Speaker 2:People, yeah, and it shows you from the conception of news, from the conception of, you know, public information, starting with the mail, all the way up until we were able to have the printed page, that from the native Americans, all the way up to us. It's always been this way. It's been all this way since the creation of this whole thing. So even right now, as we talked offline, when you have, you know, trump saying that you know they're out there in Ohio eating dogs and cats, I mean the whistle is you might say, oh, the Haitian migrants. But to the people who are watching this, the masses that you know, don't look at Haitian as being a separate thing from being black, right? So when I initially seen, I'm like, oh, are you saying that black people are eating dogs and cats? Because that's what you know. Somebody else is looking at or someone overseas.
Speaker 1:They're not seeing this you know, because tell me the difference between a Haitian and a Nigerian and a brother from Chicago Exactly, it's all the same. Which one could you pick out of a lineup Exactly? It's all the same.
Speaker 2:Which one could you pick out of a lineup Right, right, and if you notice in that debate it's basically saying that's what I heard, right.
Speaker 3:Exactly that's what I heard. That's what I heard. And that's the saddest thing that when I watched that debate, I was like how is he the president? You know, how is he running for president of the United States? And he's going to talk about this information as if it's true and he's going to say I saw it on television. Like I'm talking, you know, like this is a regular Joe Snow.
Speaker 2:And then JD Vance came behind him and said I'll make up anything if it'll get us further. Basically I'm just paraphrasing, but he made the story up you know so it's like, and then when you actually, if you ever seen, like the people being interviewed there which you like, the people being interviewed there which you know, mostly caucasian people or their stories are based on, like you, know, almost like a boogeyman theory well, a neighbor of mine said this person had a trunk full of cats and this person was on a lawn so it becomes like a boogeyman effect.
Speaker 2:And this is what we've seen, even when you look at, you know the woman 10 to 1898, woman 10 uh, coop. Um, you look at the uh, you know the Buffalo, the shooting, just even the shootings in your own neighborhood. It gets sensationalized to a point that, when the media does portray it, if I'm this white person sitting somewhere, in a very affluent area I'm thinking my goodness, I don't want this in my area.
Speaker 3:But that's what white politicians historically do, do, is they just? They pump fear into white people for some reason. I guess it's just something that works. I guess I don't know.
Speaker 1:But you know, fear and sensationalism the idea that, the idea that you should be afraid and that because I'm a politician, right, so I'm your solution. You're scared. I'm here smiling, I'm telling you, I have the answers I'm making you feel good about. Oh yeah, like you said, you're sitting somewhere cozy and safe inside your house. I want to stay cozy and safe inside my house. I heard there's a boogeyman out there of people that can't be trusted. They're not from this country, they're, you know. I heard one man say yeah, you know. They were taking the ducks right off the pond in the park and roasting them.
Speaker 2:Pigs and everything and.
Speaker 1:I'm laughing, but it's not funny, right, because it's so absurd. But it's also really dangerous, and there have been, you know, in Springfield Ohio. There are so many attacks now happening on that community. They're calling in bomb threats to the city hall. They're calling in bomb threats to the schools. There have been death threats against the woman who runs the Haitian Times, against the woman who runs the Haitian Times. So the boogeyman that they've created, right? There's also this like, really, this right wing or, you know, radicalized group of people that are reading these hysteria, these sensationalized accounts, and they feel like, oh well, the patriotic thing for me to do is do something about it, right. And so, just like we saw in Tulsa, we're seeing this also, like you know, igniting this sense of vigilante justice, where people are taking justice into their own hands, they think, by attacking these black community.
Speaker 2:Yeah, and the twofold about that particular situation is is one thing about the dogs to catch the ducks and the pigs, but they're also talking about well, the Haitian migrants are coming here and getting all of our benefits. You know, they get better housing us with.
Speaker 2:You know they're taking the jobs. It's the same trope that's pretty much played out. Um, during this time of elections and all, where it's like this is speaking to his base and not to make a, you know, political conversation, but he's speaking more to his base. Who will say that? And then we get terms like black jobs and you know things like that.
Speaker 1:It turns like black jobs. And we also get this idea that, um, you know, I've I'm in the middle of a focus group developing, uh, messaging around reparations, and we have really deeply held values right Around what is right and what people deserve and what people need. And so we all know that people need housing right. We all know that people need food, we all know that we need some level of healthcare to support our health and wellbeing, and so it's also playing on our heartstrings to hear that, oh, there are people who are getting housing, but we know that there's homelessness right, there are people who are getting food stamp vouchers or SNAP benefits, but there are people who are going hungry every day.
Speaker 1:But it's also playing on the politics of scarcity, because why is it wrong for people to be getting housing? Why is it wrong for people to be getting SNAP benefits? Is it because there are people in our community that we know are displaced and homeless? Is it because of these immigrants that they're displaced or homeless? Is it immigrants' fault that food is so expensive? No, it's our government's government fault. And then we go all the way into the other thing that the media likes to pick up hysteria about, which is this idea of like social programs that benefit everybody are socialism, and socialism is bad and wrong and un-american I mean, are people that dumb you?
Speaker 3:I mean, and maybe I might be wrong for saying, this why do you tell me? Because what happens is I look at it's a legitimate question, you know it's because it's like, like you said, we have social media, so we have a lot of different news pulling us all different ways right.
Speaker 2:Yeah.
Speaker 3:But you still have the internet. I mean, you still can actually pull up, you know crime reports and you know different things Like you know. I guess most people don't do it, but it's just like you cannot be that dumb. You know, in certain things I'm sitting. The reason why I said this I'm in a VA hospital the other day. I'm a veteran. I'm sitting there and I'm sitting amongst a bunch of black people, white people. I'm sitting amongst a bunch of black people, white people. Old white man comes in. He's sitting there watching the Trump news on the. You know, while we're sitting there and he waiting for a doctor and they start talking about this migrant stuff and he goes off. He just like, yeah, this is right, they're raping all women. You know they're doing this and they're doing that.
Speaker 3:And I'm sitting there and even though it's so embarrassing embarrassing even some of the young white guys in there are like this is crazy you know what I mean so I don't know if are people that dumb or they just knowingly racist and just want to lean to this information or I don't understand what's funny about that that you mentioned that.
Speaker 2:There's actually a documentary maybe y'all could check this out. It was, it's on prom. It's called they brainwashed my father and it's a documentary where a woman charted her dad who was you know the most. I think he was a democrat, you know from the 60s and 70s, more liberal as you know the. Uh, you know, times are changing during the 70s and the 60s and 70s between that time and she said what happens is you know he's a truck driver. I believe he's a truck driver and he started listening to you know more, you know republican radio like more you know, right ring radio and um, as he began to listen to it.
Speaker 2:You know, yeah, the tucker carlson's the you know the well, his thing at that time was rush limbaugh. When Rush Limbaugh was alive, he loved Rush Limbaugh Like. He listened to Rush Limbaugh show a few times and it became like this thing to the point where she documented how he started parroting everything that Rush Limbaugh said.
Speaker 2:It could be dead wrong, but because Rush Limbaugh said it, he believed it. He believed it. And so she was showing a comparison of how this man, who one time you know, was, you know, a person who believed in equal rights and wasn't racist or anything of that nature how, after a while of listening to this stuff, can corrupt your mind. So and I'm, and I'm looking at this thinking to myself, like, whether it be a Democrat or Republican, whether it's Fox News, MSNBC, CNN or whatever, if you sat down and you ingested that long enough, right, you'll start believing this stuff, you know.
Speaker 3:But that's why I said they're like sheep, because I've literally talked to different groups of people and sometimes I just get information, just listen to them and I'm like I'm literally listening to them read off, like, like points and I'm like I'm literally listening to them read off like points.
Speaker 1:They're reading off the point.
Speaker 3:Everybody has the same talking points. If you're a liberal, you got this talking point. If you, you know, on the other side, you got this talking point and they're following it to the letter. And even sometimes, when I'm speaking to some Black people about the, you know the Democratic talking points, I'm like you got to be out of your mind. If you believe this, you know what I mean. Like we're so dedicated to not, I don't know Nobody's objective, no more. Nobody really, you know, does the homework. You know what I mean Because, to be honest with you, I think when I was younger maybe I might have been immature, but I thought news was more objective back then, Like now. It seems like all of the news outlets if you sit down and listen to them long enough.
Speaker 2:I mean like Everybody has an agenda.
Speaker 3:Everybody's pulling their own way.
Speaker 1:Every platform has an agenda. I think that where I would agree with you is that people do not do enough research, embedding of the information that's being shared with them, and you absolutely. If you ingest only your own opinions and ideas, or one set of opinions and ideas all the time, you know there's going to be confirmation bias. It's much easier for a white man, I think, though, to be indoctrinated by other white men. It would be easy for me to be more indoctrinated hearing the same thing over and over from another Black woman, because it's like, oh, I identify with her, and then here I am, hearing over and over what it is that she has to say. In this viewpoint, I think that we all could be susceptible, right, if we don't do our due diligence and if you don't have a practice around media literacy, to vet information, which a lot of people are like oh, I'm getting the information.
Speaker 1:I got it from the news outlet right. I got it from this post online. That is the information they're not doing fact-checking. That's why fact-checking is so important. This is why research is so important. This is why it's also really important to know how to be a student of history and to read, know where to find the information that people are saying that they're citing and the sources that they're saying that they're citing that you know the rumor about the person who's oh, her cat went missing and she had Haitian neighbors. She told a friend of hers and that friend posted on the Facebook, right, the original woman. Her cat came back. Her cat was in the house. Yeah, oh my gosh.
Speaker 2:And she wasn't. She's like her cat came back. Her cat was in the house.
Speaker 1:Yeah, oh my gosh, and she wasn't. She's like, I'm not racist, but it was racist for you to say to put a missing cat plus Haitian neighbor means somebody ate your cat. That is racist.
Speaker 2:That is racist. That is racist and it's just a common, you know nothing is just a lack of common sense.
Speaker 3:You know. Another thing is it's just a lack of common sense Sometimes, when the news just says something to you, whether it be something criminal, political, anytime, you just you're like oh, come on, man, that's not even possible. What they're saying right there, you know what I mean, it doesn't even make any logical sense.
Speaker 3:You know so. But you know, like I said, you guys got a lot more hope than me. I think they're sheep man. You guys got a lot more hope than me. I think they're cheap man. Like I said, I've been talking to brothers and sisters recently and you know we talk about political things.
Speaker 1:And I'm like I grew up with you Like you want. You want to get rid of Mexicans, you crazy. You know where they're getting information from. Also, we have to start talking about tech consolidation and media consolidation. Tech consolidation and media consolidation so the number of outlets that used to exist don't anymore. There have been media tycoons like Rupert Murdoch have bought up a lot of what used to be independent outlets or what used to be locally owned. Private equity is also playing a role, so there are fewer and fewer people controlling what we're able to read and what we're able to see.
Speaker 1:And then, when it comes to social media Facebook and Twitter and threads and what's the other one, Reddit these platforms are designed to keep you on the platform and they're manipulating your brain chemistry, what your dopamine receptors are, and also your attention span and when something is making you angry. So when something is sensationalized or is outrageous, it is more compelling. As outrageous, it is more compelling, and so you're going to keep on scrolling. Or if it's a message board like Reddit or Facebook where you can comment, you're going to get on there and comment and you're going to read other people's outrageous comments and then you're going to get into the muck with them also. So these platforms are also designed.
Speaker 1:So now we're consuming media that is being controlled by a small number of people, controlled by people whose motive is profit, not information. It's not a mission driven, you know. It's not a mission driven motivation behind it. They want to get as much money as possible, they want as many eyes as possible. The shift to digital means we want as many clicks as possible. So here goes a headline that might be misleading or isn't even really properly vetted. Here goes a headline that might be misleading or isn't even really properly vetted. So the media environment is full of noise and full of manipulation and manipulative tactics to keep people's eyes and ears on it and not necessarily to inform us. It's also why independent news is so important. It's why citizen journalism is so important, because the uh, corporate dominant media landscape, um, the motivation underlying it is not to inform people so that we can, so that everybody won't be dumb, Okay, so that everybody won't.
Speaker 3:Maybe, maybe I'm saying it the wrong way. That's the Brooklyn to me, but you know, I just you know that's how I love it. That's how it comes out, man. It's when I just get frustrated.
Speaker 1:Like I said, I'm talking to people, educated people, you know it is frustrated, it's outrageous to have somebody, when I first started doing political education work and would put together a really well-researched workshop for folks, and then have at the end of the workshop, someone turn to me and say, oh well, you know, but don't Black people commit more crimes?
Speaker 3:Yeah, yeah, yeah yeah, yeah, that's crazy Wild, but it's funny that you should say that I had a situation with a white guy one time and he just had this conversation and he just started talking about, you know, black women being on welfare and I'm like you do know that there's more white women on welfare. You know, you can google this. This is not like information that you know that's not accessible to you, but it's like I think we're just like knowingly dumb now, you know, like nobody really wants to, like you said, just do the work yeah, and there's a lot more work to do that's a fact.
Speaker 2:And even like when you talked about, like citizen journalism which has its pros and cons, because you know we have those that want to do it right and then you got, you know, alex jones doing what he did and jacking a lot of people up.
Speaker 2:So it's like, you know, we kind of kind of vet that too yes yeah, even in citizen journalism, because a lot of it is telephone and speculation and theory and yeah, yeah you know, but there are some good people out there doing some good work and research, but I often look at it as a rabbit hole to say, you know, if this person said this, let me do my diligence and yes, you know, and check on it myself.
Speaker 2:and, um, what I wanted to ask you too is, because of media 2070s work and you know you may have explained this and a lot of what you said and all, but we know that you, you know you seek reparations in terms of media, right, you know, a lot of people think reparations, they think 40 acres and a mule, a couple dollars in your pocket, however you want to view it, but with the media reparation, what would? What would it look like and what would we have to do to kind of push that narrative forward to say this is what we want? Do we stop looking at these outlets? Do we, you know, try to seek out our own media, if it's, if it's some out there, cause it is some out there, but yeah, absolutely.
Speaker 1:Um, that's a really good question, and so the example that I'll give is, um, to your point about the man who got radicalized by Lieutenant Rush Limbaugh. The ways that the right wing and conservative got a hold of the radio airwaves was through a federal policy of the FCC and who they issued licenses to. And you know, shout out to Joe Torres, who's our senior policy advisor. And you know, shout out to Joe Torres, who's our senior policy advisor, he's doing that research to show that there has been repeatedly, there's been federal communications policy that, like the FCC right, making sure and ensuring that we have actual equitable access to the airwaves and to radio licenses, or maybe even making reparative right, reparative funds towards that, so that we can have Black-owned radio and locally-owned radio that reflects our perspectives. It might look like us holding the large media companies to task again, where their roots of the crime beat 24-hour news cycles rooted in anti-Blackness, where they've made their bread and butter in these multi-billion-dollar conglomerates. Maybe it looks like those companies being held to task to create reparative funds and resources for Black-owned and controlled media, black-owned and controlled broadcast media as well. Maybe it looks like at the local level you know there are ways that our local state governments mandate that certain types of advertising needs to happen for public service announcements or public notifications. Maybe it looks like requiring that a percentage of those funds are dedicated to Black media outlets and Black contractors and Black advertisers.
Speaker 1:There are a lot of opportunities because there are so many different ways that our media system has been anti-Black, there are so many sites of harm that we can cite and then there are so many pathways to compensation. I believe that the victims and the survivors I'm a descendant of a Tulsa Race Massacre surviving family deserve restitution for the harm that these media outlets have perpetuated against our people, that there needs to be a compensation, that we need to also institute a media system that is going to prevent this perpetuation of radicalized anti-Black news, sensationalized crime reporting. There's been studies put out, for example, by Color of Change, about the fact that the crime is over-reported as a Black issue, and to the point where it has implications for our lived everyday experience. When you're interacting with your doctor, when you're interacting with your coworker, when you're interacting with your attorney, when our children are interacting with school disciplinary policies, they're coming up against these anti-Black tropes that have been perpetuated and are being perpetuated by the media. And so what media reparations looks like is addressing sites of harm and then instituting repair. It looks like even the profession of journalism being repaired.
Speaker 1:Our journalism manager, diamond Hardiman, and Vinikia Williams, our campaign manager. They've developed a college curriculum for journalism students to help transform even how journalism is taught and teaching a more accurate and thorough history of the role of the media in perpetuating anti-Black racism and other forms of racism and discrimination discrimination and then teaching those journalism students how to be better journalists so that when they go out in the world they're not going to continue to perpetuate these cycles. And that's also a part of media reparations is, you know, transforming the system, even in the way that the system is built and grown through. What types of education do we get? You talked a little bit earlier about. You know this idea of media objectivity has never been objective. The actual you know what they're calling objective is having a white man's perspective, right, that's what they're calling being unbiased. And so we need to correct those things. And that's what media reparations would look like is correcting, understanding what needs to be corrected, what needs to be repaired, and then working towards that.
Speaker 2:Now I have another question, because what you said stood out about having basically our own media, right. So how do we hold our own media accountable if we become corrupt in some form or fashion? Because, like, for instance, you know and I might not be popular for saying this but we have a black home station in Philadelphia? Right right and I mean you probably heard the story of the um, the uh, the, the show host, who was fired for you know, yes, I did hear that the white house provided it with questions in advance and whatnot, and she admitted to it.
Speaker 2:Okay, yes, um, but that particular station and I've noticed because I listen to them all the time which is more of a, you know a biden harris, you know support station.
Speaker 2:They don't admit to that but you know, all signs point to that now the reason why I say that is because you might have people who call into those shows, who might have their opinion against that administration, but you're shutting them down because you sat with Kamala, you've talked to Joe, you know, you know, and so, yeah, that kind of makes them biased in that particular stance, because you're not looking at anybody else's opinion and not to say that the people who call in and say, well, I'm pro-Trump or I'm pro-Harris, it's just the fact that when they're presenting their cause for why this candidate is messed up as well as that one is messed up, then it's like, ok, we don't want to hear nothing about that, but then you'll run, and this is the this is the funny part here want to hear nothing about that, but then you'll run, and this is the this is the funny part to you.
Speaker 2:They will run several commercials after that, basically saying, yeah, I'm voting for harris, like you know, like regular local commercials. Yeah, we're voting for harris because she's doing this, this and this. So how do we keep, like our people, in check to make sure that that media doesn't become corrupt to the point where, like this, sister got fired from the administration that you guys promote, but yet nobody fought to get her job back.
Speaker 2:You fired her because of of journalistic integrity but, this is your candidate, this is who you, this is who you're promoting. So nobody from the white house nobody from the station back this woman on this whole thing and I've listened to her show for a long time and for her to lose it just off of technicality like that is crazy. So this is how we got. How do we police that? How do we police that from happening?
Speaker 1:I don't disagree with you about that. Hearing about that the decision to fire her it made me think of a few things.
Speaker 2:And it's Andrea Lawful Sanders. That's who it was.
Speaker 1:Yes, it's Andrea. It was yes, andrea. Number one what we're talking about is ethics and the ways that we hold, or should be able to hold, our media institutions accountable. How every institution should hold itself accountable is that there should be a code of ethics that they can be held to a standard against that bias, political bias, even if it's like a pro-police bias, you know all of these different types of things. There should be a code of ethics that you can point to and there should be some level of institutional accountability. It could be an advisory board, it could be a community advisory board. It could be advisory board. It could be a standards board that they also are responsible for answering to that technicality around giving the candidate pre-clearance around the questions.
Speaker 1:It was a questionable action. But my question in that situation was well, was the disciplinary action for her to be fired? Was there not a level of training that could have happened? Was there not a level of you know, when Whoopi Goldberg, you know spouts out off his mouth on the View, you know they'd be like, okay, well, whoopi, you're going to have to miss a couple episodes. The severity of the punishment against her I don't agree with and I wasn't in you know any level of authority there, but I think that having ethics and standards and codes of conduct are a sign of any organization with integrity, including media organizations, institutions.
Speaker 2:Yeah, because Earl Ingram was on that same interview with Andrew Lawful Sanders.
Speaker 2:And he said that he was provided those same, you know, provide the same questions Earl Ingram still has. Earl ingram still has his show, he still has his show. So I mean, this is the thing that we have to look like. You know, we take our program, for instance, and we always tell people, you know, to tell the audience, whatever we doing, we trying to be objective, you know. I mean we, we look at a situation, we try to be objective. If something is right, it's right. If it's wrong, it's wrong. You know, and the thing is with this, you don't want to take objectivity out of media completely, you know, I mean, because then we all, no matter what, you are leaning to one side of a story. So right, it's just that's what I was looking at more towards with. How do we keep ourselves in in terms of that?
Speaker 1:yeah, if some. If there's a bias or a conflict of interest that needs to be disclosed, then the person who's reporting needs to disclose it or reveal that so that the audience can be fully informed. But yeah, codes of ethics and conduct and standards and a system for accountability should be a part of any organization that is serving especially serving an informative community. We should be able to point to that and hold them to that.
Speaker 2:That's good, yeah. And one last thing before you know we we wrap up the, you know, independent journalists. If you want to, you'll say such a thing. You know we have the YouTube space, we have a lot of podcasts and networks and all. How do you feel like, should you know our journalists, help to train these journalists to be kind of better and what they are? Because, like I said, you know you will look at a lot of people who are doing what we're doing right now and even though we're not journalists, we still can do the diligence and everything that everyone else is doing. But we're reporting it from our perspective or we're reporting it from a, you know, I don't want to say so much as a street perspective, but just from a real perspective. You know we don't have an agenda.
Speaker 2:So the whole thing is is that those that have that knowledge, how do you feel about them actually sharing that knowledge with those that are trying to start their platforms or are already out doing their thing? And you say, hey, you know, I see what you're doing, but this is how you know. We can help you to do it a little bit better.
Speaker 1:Oh yeah, absolutely. I love that idea and I know that there are, at least in Philadelphia, a few organizations that are working to help develop like peer learning models, trainings around like how to be you know how to practice investigative journalism or how to do you know qualitative research, things of that nature. There are people who are, you know, instituting workshops around how to you know address bias right and how to you know tell, do better storytelling with you know multiracial communities. I think that any opportunities that we have for community building in peer-to-peer learning I'm thinking about racial equity in journalism, that is a fund for independent and nonprofit BIPOC journalists in newsrooms so there are institutions and organizations that are thinking about how to resource that work and that learning and give people opportunities to build relationships so that we can get folks, so that people can, you know, be better representatives of the communities that they're serving. Absolutely, yeah.
Speaker 2:All right, and listen. You know we thank you for your time. Definitely, this is a lot of information, a lot of information. We can go a lot deeper, but you know time permits us from doing that. But I want you to let the people know where they can reach you, your social handles and everything, how they can support the cause and everything like that. Go ahead and just speak to the people. Let them know what they can do to help.
Speaker 1:Oh yeah, absolutely so. Our website is mediareparationsorg. That's where you can read our groundbreaking essay. There's also an audio version of it somewhere out here in the world. I have to get the link to it actually onto the website. And then our social handle is at media 2070. And I'm most active right now on Instagram, even though I don't be active on there. But my own Instagram handle is at Tia Oso.
Speaker 2:Fist in the air for Tia. A lot, a lot of social justice work. Where do you see this all ending up? You know, with all the work that you're doing, Because I know it don't just start with Media 2070, and you know reparations and all. So what do you see yourself doing?
Speaker 1:I see myself. My ultimate goal is to become an international woman of leisure. I got to get out of the United States on a regular basis for my health and well-being.
Speaker 3:You sound like you're leaving the struggle man. You're leaving us behind.
Speaker 1:Am I leaving or am I becoming?
Speaker 3:an elder.
Speaker 2:Am I elevating? Go ahead and teach the next generation how to do it right, Exactly. We got some more crack houses to close down, you know.
Speaker 1:We do, and I'm going to be the instructor, as I, you know, as I reach into, you know, becoming a more mature and seasoned organizer. I am learning that it is important for me to teach, and it is important for me to teach the lessons and the skills I've learned to the next generation, because there's a lot of fire, especially that 2020 moment. I tell people we're out here shutting down highways, and so we shut down highways five years ago, but you also have to know how to go to the next city council meeting. You have to know how to go to the state legislature Somebody has to run for office and you have to know how to go to the state legislature somebody has to run for office.
Speaker 1:Ok, we all be fighting the power all the time. I mean we can, but we're going to run ourselves low, you know, and there's so many people that I really love and respect, fellow activists who we've lost over the years, and so that is why, you know, I've had to make a concerted and stated effort for my self-care and well-being, because-being, because being a martyr is not my goal and I can be really about that, and also in order for us to. You know, we're in a 400 year struggle here in the United States. And if we're going to win reparations, if we're going to continue to win liberation, we have to, you know, be healthy enough to also reap the rewards or reap the benefits.
Speaker 3:Do you think I mean, this is another quick question Do you think that we dropped the ball with, you know, the momentum from Black Lives Matter? Because I thought they had really good momentum and it seemed like things just kind of like went down afterwards.
Speaker 2:That's a whole other episode.
Speaker 1:What I will say is that the same ways that you see conservative talking points proliferating in Black communities is a direct response to the power that Black Lives Matter had at its peak.
Speaker 2:There was a lot of good folks on the ground floor that got caught up in the scandalous I should say uh, scandalous, I should say scandalous aspects of that movement and uh, oh, absolutely, oh absolutely. They had a lot of good people on the ground floor and I tell you what one thing you could say about like these pro-palestinian, you know, protests and all like that, them cats, they, they go in there.
Speaker 2:They'll show up anywhere, you know a lot of times I think to myself when I see that is like you know. If we did that, you know, would you get some type of change?
Speaker 1:But we did do that. This is another episode.
Speaker 3:Right right, right, right right.
Speaker 1:I know what you want to say Black folks have done everything from run for office to have shootouts with the police in this country. Those people are not black.
Speaker 2:Right, right, right Right.
Speaker 1:It's a different conversation. It's a conversation that a lot of people don't want to have, but I'll say every day it's like if, if they were black, the resistance would look different.
Speaker 2:Yeah, I don't know. Highways is what she's saying. Yeah.
Speaker 3:Well, it was funny. You just said that because it's like, when you study the history of some of the different movements around the world, like they actually got their ideas from the movements here.
Speaker 2:Absolutely, absolutely.
Speaker 3:But somehow they were completely wrong.
Speaker 1:They're not doing the same tactics that they got from us. They're not doing it in a black body.
Speaker 3:Right, right, you're right, you're right, You're right.
Speaker 2:So it was like we stormed the Capitol. That would have been like Storm it out.
Speaker 3:It's never going to happen.
Speaker 1:We would have got picked up at the house. We would have got picked up.
Speaker 3:I got news for you I ain't going, I ain't going.
Speaker 1:That's what I'm going to miss Before you could get in the Uber it would have been the black van would have got you A little sack on your head the whole night. The whole night. But I'm serious, yeah, yes, it's for real.
Speaker 2:It's for real. All right, listen. We thank you so much. This was such a very good conversation. Looking forward to it all week.
Speaker 2:Alright, the Only One Mike Podcast is available on all platforms you stream your podcasts on. Also, check out our Only One Mike Podcast YouTube channel to catch up on the past and current episodes. Don't forget to rate the show, subscribe like you know, send us comments, whatever makes it work. Also, check us out on Instagram and x slash twitter at theonlyonemikep1. X has just become a real cesspool, folks. I'm going to be honest with you. Facebook and LinkedIn at theonlyonemikepodcast. You can also contact us via email at theonlyonemike00 at gmailcom, or call us at 302-367 two one nine to have your comments and questions played on the show. We thank you once again for your time, your audience, see you once again, and we encourage you to speak the truth quietly and clearly, and listen to others, even a dull and ignorant, because they too have their story to tell. So until next time, please keep in mind that if you never had to run from the Ku Klux Klan, then you shouldn't have to run from a black man. Peace.
Speaker 3:Peace.