Episode 9: Kimmerians: The Ancient Near Eastern Cold War

Today, we explore the years 720-714 BCE as the Near Eastern states of Assyria and Urartu duke it out in a grand geopolitical struggle. All the while, the Kimmerians are making their way further and further into the region.

Transcript

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The King of Assyria was an imposing man. His magnificence, his prestige, his wrath could be felt from the lands of the Tigris and Euphrates to the mountains of Armenia and Anatolia and beyond. To serve this great king, this embodiment of the divine, was both a blessing and a curse. Should you do your job well, you would be rewarded beyond measure. To do your job poorly would lead to reprimands. To fail would probably be the end of your career and the ire of the throne for… well… life. 

And so on this day, Ashurresuwa, a humble servant of King Sargon II, was pacing back and forth, back and forth. Something big was happening. Everyday, Ashurresuwa met a diplomat, spoke with a merchant, and exchanged letters with a spy. Sargon’s agents were crisscrossing the land, readying for a big operation. 

It would be the north, Urartu. There, King Rusa had led the Urartians to new heights, and that scared Sargon II. That scared Ashurresuwa too. He had no love for the Urartians. They were humble. They were simple folk. They were of the wild mountains and understood nothing of civilized life. They even worshiped the wrong gods. 

Should they somehow defeat Assyria, an incredulous thought sure, then hell would break loose upon the earth. No. Ashurresuwa knew that Sargon would succeed, and that Ashurresuwa, the king’s humble servant, would do everything in his power to make it so. For said reasons, Asshuresuwa was especially alert on this day.

There had been news. It would be the north, of course. Rusa was leading some sort of expedition against an enemy of sorts. Ashurresuwa wasn’t sure who. He’d heard scattered reports of horseback nomads. Of a people from beyond the mountains. People who were supposedly raiding the Urartian lands, and that Rusa may have launched an offensive in reprisal. That, at least, was Ashurresuwa’s best guess at least. 

And he had heard that something happened, and whatever that something was, it wasn’t pretty. Now, he didn’t know if it meant an Urartian victory or defeat, so he sent a few scouts to see what they could find. He was waiting for them to return, hence the pacing and anxiety.

And just as he was about to step out of the room, half-prepared to ride on a horse and find news on his own, a man entered the door. The man was cloaked, hooded, and placed a clay tablet on a table. He then stepped out, descending back into shadows. Ashurresuwa walked and grabbed the tablet and began to read. His eyes widened. It was a single sentence, but it was enough. It read:

“When the Urartians went against the Cimmerians… the Urartians suffered a defeat.”

He knew from that moment that Assyria had won. It was time for Sargon to send his army north.

Welcome back to the Nomads and Empires podcast, episode 9. It’s been a long time, so let’s not waste anymore and get back on track. Last time, we examined the origins of the Kimmerians and the pushes that led to their migrations south into the Ancient Near East. According to Herodotus, the Kimmerians were a nomadic people on the Pontic steppe who were then pushed out by the Scythians and fled south to the Caucasus. Let’s leave the Kimmerians there for now. Short, but it’s enough for us to figure out where this will lead.

Now, let’s turn to the narrative, because in this episode, we’re going to see how the migration of the Kimmerians would lead to a chain of reactions that would permanently alter the geopolitical situation of the Ancient Near East. That’s right, today we look at the events leading to the year 714 BCE, when the nomads of the steppe enter the historical record. And so, to do that we’re going to first start by diving into the lands of Mesopotamia, the lands between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, the cradle of civilization. 

By the eighth century BCE, the world of the Ancient Near East was a political battleground. A dizzying array of names dotted across the landscape. There were the Anatolian kingdoms, such as Tabal and Kammanu and Phrygia. On the Levantine coast you had names like Aram, Damascus, Gaza, and the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. In the Zagros Mountains were states like Elam and Susa, while in the Armenian Highlands you had places like Musashir and Zikirtu. In Anatolia, in Mesopotamia, in Syria, Palestine, Iran, the Sinai Peninsula, and even the frontiers of Arabia were a number of small states, medium-sized kingdoms, and large-scale, multi-ethnic empires that all vied for power and control.

And yet, there were a few players that stand out amongst the rest, particularly for our story. On this episode, we’re going to specifically examine three groups and their interplay: the Assyrian Empire of Sargon II, the Kingdom of Urartu led by Rusa I, and the roaming Kimmerians, of course. 

I don’t want to bog us too much with historical context, but let me provide some details on the political geography. Assyria, which had a long-standing history that stretched centuries, was centered along… well… the center of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. To its south, near the coasts of modern Iraq was the land of Babylon, while to the northeast were the Armenian highlands and to the northwest was Anatolia and the Taurus Mountains. At the extremities were other great lands. To the south was the Arabian Desert, to the far east was the Iranian Plateau, and to the west was Syria and the Levant. And beyond Armenia, in the lands to the north were… well, don’t worry about that for now. For now, let’s turn back to the first of our main players. 

When Sargon II was born in 762 BCE, the state of Assyria was perhaps in its last days. Located along the rich agricultural lands of Mesopotamia, the Assyrian Empire dominated the landscape and extended its influence across the Near East. Under exceptional leaders like Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmanesar III, the Assyrians conquered territories in Syria and Palestine. By the year 762 BCE, Assyria’s fortunes had greatly reversed. The empire was beset by a number of problems, including plague and civil war. Indeed, this period of time leading up to the year 744 BCE is often referred to as “the Interval” by scholars. Strife was common, and under the reign of Ashur-nirari V, a rebellion erupted in 746. This rebellion led to Ashur-nirari’s deposition, and Sargon’s father Tiglath-pileser III ascended to the throne.

Tiglath-pileser was by all means an energetic and competent ruler. Shortly after his ascension, Sargon’s father conducted a massive series of operations in order to restore Assyrian hegemony. This included administrative reforms and campaigns into Syria, Armenia, and the Zagros Mountains. Most significantly, Tiglath-pileser took advantage of civil strife in Babylon, the Assyrian’s long-time rival, and in 729, Tiglath-pileser crowned himself king of Babylon. By the time of his death in 726 BCE, the Assyrian Empire stretched from the Mediterranean coasts to the Zagros Mountains, from the foothills of Armenia to the borders of Egypt and the Arabian desert. 

The throne then passed onto Tiglath-pileser’s son Shalmaneser V. There appears to have been no opposition or dissent to his succession. Shalmaneser ruled for five years, conquered parts of Samaria, and died in December of 722. Beyond these points, we know basically nothing else.

Sargon II, possibly Shalmaneser’s brother, would take over after his death. There is some debate on what exactly transpired. One source, the Ashur Charter, provides some details that may be useful. According to this document, written several years after Sargon’s ascension, Shalmenesar had imposed unlawful taxes and corvee labor on various cities. As explained by Sargon himself: “But Shalmenesar… whose hands have brought evil to this city… [and] paid them like an underclass… The Illil of the gods, in the fury of his heart, overthrew his rule, and [appointed] me, Sargon, as king of [Assyria].”

It’s still not clear if Sargon II violently overthrew Shalmaneser or if something else happened. Sarah Melville, a professor of Ancient History, points out that Shalmaneser may have simply died of natural causes. Succession between brothers was something that happened. The Assyrian Empire had not formally established a succession based on primogeniture. Still, some scholars wonder if Sargon II even descended from the royal line, given that he was never designated as a legitimate heir, given that he never mentions explicitly that Tiglath-Pileser was his father, and given that his name in Assyrian means “legitimate king.” Even if Sargon was the brother of Shalmenesar, it’s clear that Sargon did not feel secure in his rule.

These fears were certainly based in real facts, given that immediately after his ascension to the Assyrian throne, the empire fractured once more into a series of revolts. Three months into Sargon’s reign, the Babylonians overthrew their Assyrian administrators and declared independence. Meanwhile in Syria, the king of Hamath rallied a number of states to overthrow the Assyrian yoke. As such, the kingdoms of Arpad, Simirra, Damascus, Hatarikka, Samaria, and Gaza all joined in this great anti-Assyrian coalition. To further complicate things, outside powers were eyeing the situation and readying themselves to exploit Assyria’s moment of weakness. In Babylon, a man named Merodach-baladan declared himself king and immediately sought assistance from those who also opposed the Assyrians, including the Elamites and the peoples of northern Arabia. The King of Gaza secured military assistance from the Egyptians, and all the while, the powerful states of Phrygia and Urartu crept in from the fringes. As Professor Melville describes, “nearly all of Tiglath-pileser’s hard-won territory had been lost in the course of a few months.”

Sargon II was forced to make a decision. He could either set off to deal with the threat of Babylon or address the Syrian coalition. In 720 BCE, Sargon II decided to move south, to silence the Babylonians first. Given the two-front nature of this conflict, Sargon marched his troops at a quick pace, averaging around 15 miles a day and with no days of rest. Near the city of Der, Elamite forces found the Assyrian army. Believing the Assyrians to be overextended, the Elamites decided to force a battle, despite the fact that the Babylonian army had still not arrived. The results of the battle were inconclusive. Sargon II eventually ordered a withdrawal of his forces, perhaps fearing the inevitable approach of Babylonian reinforcements. In the end, both sides claimed victory at the Battle of Der, and Sargon II knew that he needed to turn his attention toward Syria. A peace treaty between the Assyrians, the Babylonians, and the Elamites was created shortly after, with the Assyrians retaining the city of Der, the Babylonians gaining their independence, and the Elamites securing themselves some territory in Iraq, as well as a new ally in the form of Babylon. At the very least, Sargon II was able to secure his southern flank, as the Syrian front would prove to be an even longer and more grueling affair than the Babylonian campaign. 

With little time for rest, Sargon II moved his armies north toward the Syrian coalition. As we mentioned, the situation was not looking good. The Assyrians would need to cross around 1,650 miles, they would have to march through a wide array of ecosystems and climates that included deserts and mountains, and they would be entering territory that lacked consistent supply lines both in terms of food and water. Furthermore, the Egyptians were starting to supply troops and weapons to the king of Gaza, which further complicated the situation. 

Sargon II however was not deterred. Here, Sargon proved his martial and organizational prowess. He recognized that there was one vital flaw that could be exploited. The Syrian coalition was made up of a number of states that all competed with one another, and eventually, they would splinter off. This collection of independently-minded kingdoms lacked cohesion, and that could be exploited. For the leader of the coalition, the king of Hamath, this meant that he needed a single, decisive battle. 

The king of Hamath chose the plains of Qarqar as his battlefield. Qarqar was an area of sizable significance for all belligerents involved. For the rebels, the plain was the site of another key victory, when another Syrian coalition had defeated the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III a century earlier. It was also an area of logistical advantage, given that the Syrian army could use the fertile plain to secure food and water supplies. And yet, for all of this planning, Sargon’s forces eventually arrived. The Assyrian army, though likely weathered and exhausted from the Babylonian campaign and the subsequent long march, still boasted a sizable contingent of charioteers, cavalrymen, and infantry. The Assyrians crushed the rebels. 

The king of Hamath was captured and flayed. Cities across the region were devastated, and one-by-one the rebellious states of Syria and Palestine fell. One of the last engagements on this front was in Gaza, where the Assyrians met a combined Gazan-Egyptian force near the settlement of Raphia. Assyrian reliefs offer some interesting visual descriptions of this battle. The Assyrians were supported by auxiliary forces, including Itu’ean archers and spearmen from Gurrea. The Egyptians, meanwhile, seemed to have contained a contingent of Kushite skirmishers. In the words of Sargon himself, the battle was a major success:

“At the command of Assur, my lord, I defeated them and Sib’u [the Egyptian general] ran off alone like a shepherd whose sheep have been carried off, and he died. Hanuni [the king of Gaza] I seized with my own hand and took him to my city, [Ashur], in chains. The city of [Raphia] I destroyed, I devastated, I burned with fire.”

Professor Melville makes an interesting point. Sargon II was evidently proud of this victory, for this message contains a pun. “The clever pun on the Egyptian general’s name… also parodied the phrase ‘shepherd of the people,’ which was normally used as an epithet of kings. Evidently, the scribe wished to emphasize the inadequacy of the Egyptian leader.”

With this victory, Sargon II had effectively pacified the Syrian and Palestinian rebels. He and his army marched back to Assyria, stopping along the way at many cities in order to reassert control and authority. For some leaders, this would’ve been a moment of respite, a time of peace for the polity, and months where soldiers could return to farms and families. For Sargon II, however, this was not necessarily the case. Though the empire was now secure by the end of the year 720 BCE, a number of powerful challenges still faced Assyria. Foreign powers recognized these revolts as signs of internal weakness, and for these states, this was a moment to exploit. Chief among these rivals was the kingdom of Urartu, and now let’s shift our attention away from Sargon and briefly touch on his counterpart: Rusa I. And of course, the Kimmerians were still riding south.

But, first off let’s start with this. To the north of the Assyrians, nestled in the Armenian highlands, was the Kingdom of Urartu. Here, Urartian settlements could be found nestled in fertile valleys, and a sizable portion of the populace practiced “pastoral-transhumant elements.” The people of Urartu appear to have some connection, at least linguistically and religiously, with the Hurrian people of Anatolia. Culturally, we find a number of similarities between the Urartians and the Assyrians. Both used cuneiform and both developed similar architectural practices. Both states were complex, well organized, and boasted powerful militaries. 

Both states were also eternal rivals. Since the mid-ninth century BCE, the two states were on hostile terms. Both sides engaged in proxy wars in Syria, Anatolia, and northern Iran. On several occasions, both sides engaged in outright warfare, such as during the campaigns of Shalmenesar III in 859 BCE and a decade of near continuous violence between 781 and 774 BCE. Rusa’s father, Sarduri II, reversed the fortunes of Urartu, defeating the Assyrians in 754 BCE and pushing Urartian influence into Syria. The Urartians also gained access to key trade routes from Iran and the east. The Assyrians then plunged themselves into “the Interval,” the decades of civil strife and plague that we mentioned earlier. 

And so, Rusa was a man similar in many regards to Sargon II. Both were descendents of illustrious fathers, but both were also individuals born in times of crisis and confusion. You see, despite Sarduri II’s victories in 754, things were changing rapidly. Sargon’s father, Tiglath-pileser, ascended to the Assyrian throne in 745, and in 743, he launched one of his first campaigns: an invasion of Syria in order to throw out Urartian control. The states of Arpad, Unqu, and Hamath, the very same Hamath that rebelled against Sargon, were captured and annexed by Tiglath-pileser.

Then, Tiglath-pileser moved his forces north and invaded Urartu directly. His forces defeated an Urartian army near Arpad and then chased them to the Urartian capital of Tushpa. The city was put under siege. Though the city was not captured, it was a significant blow to the prestige and legitimacy of Urartu. It also enabled Tiglath-pileser to act with impunity, for in 736, he once again invaded the Urartian heartland.

In this chaos, Rusa was born literally and figuratively, forged by the fires of war and devastation left by the violence of Tiglath-pileser III. Professor Mack Chahin gives us this great description of Rusa’s ascension:

“According to reports of Assyrian agents in Urartu at the time, a number of Urartian princes and chieftains took advantage of the disorganised state of the country and rose in rebellion against their defeated king, Sarduri. It was the eldest of Sarduri’s eight sons, Uedipri, who seized the throne and then not only subdued his rebellious subjects, but also won their support for his various campaigns, which restored to Urartu a number of the provinces so recently lost to Assyria by his father. He thus reestablished Urartian power in the west. Uedipri assumed the name ‘Rusa.’”

And so, Rusa I would ascend to the throne of Urartu in a time in which the kingdom’s prestige had been severely battered. But, with careful politicking, intrigue, and espionage, Rusa could subvert Assyrian operations and reassert Urartian influence across Anatolia, Syria, and beyond. And so, in the wake of the 720 BCE rebellions in Assyria, Rusa found his opportunity.

Rusa began by attempting to gain control of several buffer states to his west and south. Another key player, the legendary King Midas of Phrygia, began to open dialogue with Assyrian client states in Anatolia and Syria. Such movements likely struck fear into Assyrian strategists; an alliance between Phrygia and Urartu would mean a total block of Assyrian trade access to Anatolia and the Mediterranean. Sargon II would not be idle in responding to this possible threat.

From 719 BCE to 714 BCE, we enter the Ancient Near Eastern Cold War. Sargon of Assyria, Rusa of Urartu, and Midas of Phrygia all engaged in a series of covert operations attempting to undermine one another. Diplomats and spies were sent all over the Near East. The many small polities of the region became proxies in this calculated game. As Professor Melville describes:

“Because mountainous terrain proved an effective barrier to outright conquest, and since direct confrontation required a huge commitment of resources, the conflict between the three powers typically proceeded indirectly through the small buffer polities located in the Taurus, Anti-Taurus, and Zagros Mountains that separated the larger states. Everyone involved-great powers and smaller polities alike-employed espionage, diplomacy, bluff, and coercion to achieve their respective goals.”

In this period of time, there are a dizzying number of events, and listing them all would take equally as many years. In 718, the Phrygians tried to plot with the king of Tabal in Anatolia. Sargon responded with a military campaign, bringing the state of Tabal under the Assyrian heel. In 717, Midas once more tried to disrupt Assyrian activities by supporting the rebellion of Carchemish. The Urartians stepped up their own operations. In 719, Rusa tried to gain the support of several Mannean kingdoms, including Andia and Zikirtu. Rusa even directly supported a rebellion that threatened to topple the regime of King Irzani, an Assyrian client. 

It should be to no one’s surprise then that these efforts would eventually turn a cold war into a hot conflict. In 715, the Assyrians and the Phrygians engaged in a brief military struggle over the Levantine coast, with King Midas providing assistance to Greek raiders. In the end, Sargon II was able to capture a number of towns from the Phrygians and he dealt a devastating blow to Midas’s army at a battle in the Taurus Mountains. At this moment, Rusa found his time to intervene, and the die would be cast. First, he tried to assist anti-Assyrian rebels in the region of Mannea. Then, he captured a number of forts that belonged to the Assyrian client, King Ullusunu. Sargon quickly responded to Ullusunu’s pleas for assistance. He mobilized the Assyrian army, and in the year 714 BCE, the Assyrians marched north to fight the Urartians in a titanic struggle. The war would likely be a long, grueling, and devastating affair. 

But, sometimes the unexpected happens. Here, dramatic irony takes full effect. Perhaps unbeknownst to all players in this game, something was stirring beyond the borders of Assyria and Urartu. In the lands beyond Guriania, in a place known as Gamir, a nomadic people were rushing onto the scene. 

So let’s change the scene once more and turn now to our main story: the Kimmerians. If we remember from the last episode, the Kimmerians had likely been a people living in the Pontic steppe. The dates are a bit fuzzy, but scholars like Barry Cunliffe estimate that the Kimmerians resided in the area from around 1200 BCE to the 700s or 600s BCE. According to the traditional narrative, the one espoused by Herodotus, the Kimmerians were pushed out of the steppe by invading Scythians. The Kimmerians sundered into two camps, with one group wishing to fight the Scythians and another group wanting to flee. Those that fled did so through the Caucasus and were pursued by bands of Scythians. 

This account may not be completely true. Connecting the Kimmerian migrations to a Scythian invasion provides a convenient series of causes and effects, but this again only comes from the word of Herodotus and lacks concrete archaeological evidence. The Kimmerians, as we previously discussed, may simply have been another band of nomads from the Sayan-Altai region who moved beyond the Pontic steppe. 

Whatever the case may be, these Kimmerians migrated out of the steppe. We know that the Kimmerians migrated through the Caucasus. We have a number of archaeological finds related to steppe nomads dated to around this period of time. There are a number of burial sites in Georgia containing horses and horse gear from the steppe. Near the ruins of the Urartian fort of Karmir Blur, we find arrowheads and horse gear that may have originated from either the Kimmerians or the Scythians. As such, we have ample evidence for a steppe penetration through the Caucasus and into the Near East. Professor Barry Cunliffe also speculates that some bands of Kimmerians may have moved through Thrace and across the Bosporus. This would account for the connection between the Kimmerians and the Thracians as espoused by the Roman historian Strabo. 

Either way, as we approach the 700s BCE, we start to hear about the Kimmerians in Ancient Near Eastern records. Some scholars speculate that the earliest account comes from an Urartian report dated to 774 BCE. At the time, the Urartians were campaigning in the area between Lake Sevan and Lake Childir in the Caucasus, and the Urartians mention sighting a people known as the “Ish-qi-Gu-Lu” who lived in Armenia. The Urartians faced numerous raids by a number of peoples from the north throughout the mid-700s BCE, and the Kimmerians may have been one such group. If we follow Herodotus’s narrative, then we should also consider the ongoing movements of the Scythians, who supposedly pushed through the Caucasus in order to chase the remnant Kimmerians. Certainly, the Scythians were coming, if they were not already in the Ancient Near East. 

It does seem that by the 720s BCE, the Kimmerians had somewhat established themselves in the area, residing in the lands known as Gamir. Scholars don’t agree on where Gamir is. Some place Gamir near the lands of Cappadocia, while others like Anne Kristensen argue that Gamir must reside near Lake Urmia.

This again points to a large problem we mentioned previously: the lack of records from the Kimmerians themselves. We don’t have any information about what Kimmerian culture or lifestyle was like, in stark contrast to the copious pictographical and written records left by the Assyrians. It is therefore impossible to say what may have caused the following events. We are only left with speculation.

By 714 BCE, the Assyrians and the Urartians were ready to engage in a hot war over the lands of Mannea. This would be the inciting incident that would connect the various strands we’ve analyzed thus far. Here, in this single moment in time, the Kimmerians, the Assyrians, and the Urartians were all bound together, weaved in a tapestry of faith.  In order to secure his northeastern flank, Rusa launched a campaign in the spring of that year against the Kimmerians. I’m not sure if this was a preemptive strike, if this was in retaliation to a Kimmerian raid, or whatever else may have precipitated this Urartian offensive against the Kimmerians. I don’t know. What I do know is this.

The Urartians mobilized their forces in the spring of 714. The campaign season was good. The snows would’ve been melting, and the mountain passes of Armenia would be free for military movements. The Urartian army likely included chariots, cavalrymen, and various types of infantry. Rusa was leading these forces, though a number of other Urartian officials had joined. We know of a field marshal, a number of governors, and various other key leaders who marched along the Urartian column. 

Again, we don’t know where the battle happened. We don’t have details on the order of battle, on the tactics deployed, or even the heroic feats conducted. All I can say is that the campaign was a disaster for the Urartians. The Urartians were routed, Rusa was seen abandoning the field and fleeing quickly to Tushpa, the Urartian capital. The Assyrians leave us a significant corpus of intelligence documents about this single event. The Assyrian prince Sennacherib, upon hearing of Rusa’s defeat, immediately sent the following message to Sargon II:

“Urzana has written to me: 'The troops of the Urarṭian king have been defeated on his expedition against the Cimmerians. The governor of Waisi has been killed; we do not have detailed information yet, but as soon as we have it, we will send you a full report.’”

As more information could be gleaned, the situation for Rusa seemed even more dire. Another intelligence report tells us the following: “[When] the (king) of Urarṭu [w]ent against the Cimmerians, all [his governors and his troops] were killed; not [one] has returned [from there].”

Suddenly, Sargon was presented with a golden opportunity. This, this was Sargon II’s chance to disrupt his immortal enemy once and for all. Final reports reveal to us that Rusa had lost eleven of his governors, a field marshal, and many of his soldiers. Such figures may be inflated, but it is clear that the Kimmerians had dealt a devastating blow to Rusa. He had lost the momentum needed to contest the Assyrians over Mannea. In one of the last reports on this incident by Sennacherib, the prince tells Sargon that: 

“When they [the Urartians] went against the Cimmerians, the Urartian [and his magnates were defeated]... They quake and are silent like women and nobody [threatens] the forts of the king, my lord. The news is good.”

Sargon used the opportunity to complete his war against Andia and Zikirtu in Mannea. Rusa, forced to retreat back to Tushpa, attempted to stem the bleeding from this defeat. He built a fort near the Gelishin pass to “forestall a potential Assyrian attack,” and then mustered whatever troops he could find before setting off again. Given this setback, Rusa may have only been left with his royal corps and the forces of a loose coalition that included allies and what Professor Melville describes as “local mountain chiefs.” Rusa recognized that the Assyrians were soon marching into the Urartian heartland, and so Rusa headed to Mount Waush, a place to the east of Lake Urmia, to set up a defensive position. 

And so, it is here on Mount Waush where we see the domino effects of the steppe on the sedentary world. Having been devastated by the Kimmerians, Rusa’s back was put into a corner, and Sargon II was more than happy to exploit this moment of weakness to finally knock down his perpetual rival. Meeting Rusa’s army head on at Mount Waush, Sargon himself describes this titanic battle as follows:

“I did not ease [my soldier’s] weariness, I did not give water to wet their thirst, I did not establish a base or build a walled camp… I did not fear Rusa’s massed army, I had contempt for his cavalry, I did not glance at the vast numbers of his armored chariot warriors. With only my single chariot and the horsemen who ride at my side, who never leave me in hostile or friendly territory… I fell upon him like a furious arrow; I caused his defeat and turned back his attack. I inflicted a huge massacre on him, spreading out the bodies of his warriors like malt and filling up the expanse of the mountain with them. I caused their blood to flow like a river in ravines and gullies, I dyed red the battlefield, countryside, and open country… I seized 260 members of his royal line, his eunuchs, governors, and cavalrymen; I broke their battle line.”

Rusa had escaped, but the might of Urartu had been broken and its spirit was snapped. Rusa appears to have fled to Tushpa to prepare for its defense. Sargon meanwhile went about despoiling the entire countryside, taking over grain stores and looting settlements. In an act that can only be described as a coup de grace, Sargon ended the campaign by attacking the state of Musasir, a nominally Assyrian client that had warm relations with Urartu. Musasir was also a state with key religious and symbolic significance to Urartu and particularly to Rusa, being the chief site of the Urartian god Haldi. The fall of Musasir devastated Rusa. In the Letter to Ashur, Sargon tells us that:

“[Rusa] heard and sank down to the ground, he rent his garments and bared his limbs, he pulled off his headband, tore his hair, beat upon his breast with his two hands, threw himself on his back; his heart stood still, his body burned, in his mouths were cries of pain. Over Urartu, to its farthest border, I spread mourning , and cast eternal weeping.”

In another account, it is implied that Rusa stabbed himself with a razor after hearing of Musasir’s fall. In this instance, “Rusa or Urartu… with his own iron dagger he stabbed himself through the heart, like a pig, and ended his life.”

And with that, Sargon II had triumphed over his rival Rusa of Urartu. The great Ancient Near Eastern Cold War had ended in dramatic fashion. The Assyrians, at least in this moment, proved themselves to be masters of the world. But, this was a war with many consequences. Urartu, though broken, was not fully dead, and it would attempt to reassert itself politically in the years to come, and at times, it would overtake Assyria once more. 

Another consequence came in the form of the Kimmerians, of course. Though some scholars warn us from overstating the significance of the Kimmerians in causing Rusa’s eventual defeat, I think it’s clear that the Kimmerian victory in 714 did play a key role. It may not have been the death knell, but in a grand war where every strategic factor was considered, Rusa’s defeat was critical for Sargon II’s decision making. The loss of governors, generals, and a sizable chunk of the army was a critical advantage. 

This may very well be the first recorded instance where the steppe played a direct impact in pushing the dominoes of the sedentary world. We will see over and over again when a single battle with the nomads of the steppe changes the historical trajectory. Consider the Battle of Manzikert in 1071 between the Byzantines and the Seljuks, which led to a near-permanent change to the sociopolitical makeup of Anatolia. We can be reminded of the Siege of Jerusalem in 1244, when roaming bands of Khwarzemians massacred the city, leading to the events of the Seventh Crusade and the eventual fall of the Crusading era. Here, in 714 BCE, we find the nomads of Kimmeria at the forefront of key political changes in the Middle East. 

And, we must consider the ramifications of this. The Kimmerians had resided along the borders of Urartu. Urartu, if we believe scholarly speculation, was THE border state that took the brunt of Kimmerian raids. With Urartu now devastated by Assyrian forces, the gates had been broken, and Kimmerian riders will be seen more frequently across the Near East. Assyrian records from later kings will mention the Kimmerians more and more, and we’ll see direct confrontation between the Assyrians and the Kimmerians throughout the 7th century BCE. Indeed, consider this. Sargon II, one of the men we followed closely in this episode, will perish in battle. In 705 BCE, Sargon II rallied an army to defend Assyria from a band of raiders. In the course of the battle, the Assyrians proved victorious, but… Sargon II fell in battle and died. Scholars believe these raiders to have been the Kimmerians.

There’s a little more to consider as well. Here, Herodotus’s words must be remembered. Even if they weren’t necessarily chasing the Kimmerians, the Scythians were coming. They were riding through the Caucasus, and we have ample archaeological evidence that confirms this movement. Within a century, the Scythians will invade. They will become a key player in the Ancient Near East in their own right. 

And so, 714 BCE marks a pivotal moment. Though few will mark this as a key date in world history, I think for our story, it’s something we need to keep in mind. It is one of our earliest recorded memories of the steppe as it crossed into the sedentary world. 

And with that, I think we’re done. Sorry again for the delay on this episode, life kinda just gets in the way of things, but I hope you enjoyed it. Next time, we’ll trace the Kimmerians a little bit more and see how they became more involved in the politics of the Ancient Near East before their eventual fall. I’ll see ya’ll again on the cold mountains of the Caucasus and in the ruins of Urartu.