Episode 15: Scythians: Warfare

We look into the weapons, armor, and tactics of Scythian warfare. 

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In the ancient Near East, a plea rose from the voices of a frightened people. A single man cried out to the heavens, and said the following:

“Thus says the Lord: See, a people comes from the land of the north, a great nation, rising from the very ends of the earth. Bow and javelin they wield; cruel and pitiless are they. They sound like the roaring sea as they ride forth on horses, each in his place for battle against you, daughter Zion.

We hear news of them; our hands hang helpless. Anguish takes hold of us, pangs like a woman in childbirth. Do not go out into the field, do not step into the street, for the enemy has a sword; terror on every side! 

Daughter of my people, dress in sackcloth, roll in the ashes. Mourn as for an only child with bitter wailing: ‘How suddenly the destroyer comes upon us!’”

Such words were uttered in Biblical times by none other than the Biblical prophet Jeremiah, warning his people of the coming of a northern people. These were a people who rode on horses, who used bows, javelins, and spears. They would descend upon the lands of the Levant as divine punishment, plunging the land into chaos. Armed and well-trained, Jeremiah is unable to name who these invaders were. But, some scholars have an idea. These warriors of the north, these mounted demons who would destroy the land of Israel were…perhaps, the Scythians.

Welcome back to the Nomads and Empires podcast, episode 15. The account you just heard is hypothesized to have taken place during the seventh or sixth centuries BCE. This particular period of time was pivotal for Biblical history, as it involves the interplays of Assyria, Egypt, and Babylon that would culminate in the Babylonian exile. It is around this time that we have another story emerge, that of the Scythians entering the ancient Near East as they pursued the Kimmerians. Some scholars have connected the warning uttered by Jeremiah as one describing the impending Scythians.

In many ways, Jeremiah’s description is quite accurate. The Scythians were known for their horsemanship. The Scythians were well-versed in the bow. The Scythian arsenal did include javelins and longer spears. Evidently, the Scythians fit the bill, even if we lack direct evidence that connects the Biblical verse and the steppe nomads. 

But, this account is a perfect segue for what we’re going to be discussing today: Scythian warfare.

Before diving into the historical narrative, I thought it would be good to dedicate an entire episode on how the Scythians waged war. Unlike the Kimmerians, we have so much archaeological and literary evidence that can shine a light on their campaign tactics to the equipment individual soldiers would have possessed. The Scythians are a great example of early steppe warfare, and it is quite striking how organized and diverse Scythian armies could be. Many of the strategies employed by the Scythians will rear their heads with later groups, such with the Turkic Khaganates and Mongol Empire. 

To assess the sweep of Scythian warfare, I am going to divide this episode into a few themes. First, we’ll look at the individual tools, weapons, and armor Scythian warriors would have possessed. Then, we’re going to examine the broader tactics employed by Scythian leaders. After that, we’ll view some smaller ancillary topics, such as the employment of Scythian mercenaries in settled empires. All of this should help us better understand why and how Scythians waged war. 

So, starting off with the individual Scythian warrior. The typical Scythian warrior was likely one that fought on horseback. Horses, as perhaps expected of steppe peoples, were the preeminent tool in the Scythian arsenal. They were trained at a young age to ride horses and so they were very adept horsemen. What is interesting is that Scythians of the Pontic steppe apparently had preferences. Geldings, that is, castrated horses, were often preferred over mares, stallions, and so forth. Such a preference carries to this day in Kazakhstan. 

It is also likely that Scythian riders had more than one horse. A number of kurgans contained dozens of horses, and though these kurgans were probably the burial chambers of the highest elite, we can imagine that even average warriors (who were probably of the elite class themselves) had several animals. The value of having multiple animals meant that steppe riders could continually swap horses to maintain a consistent riding speed. In the heat of battle, one could move to another horse should one become exhausted or perish. The Mongols present us one of the most famous examples of this tactic. Scholars like David Morgan estimate that one Mongol warrior would have had around five horses. Such a figure, Morgan notes, was “not to have been unusual.”

However, horseback riding was not the only key characteristic here. The Scythians developed innovations that made their horsemanship more effective. For instance, the Massagetae are recorded to have armed their horses in breast plate, and we can imagine various types of horse armor appearing among the Scythians. Perhaps more importantly, the Scythians developed the saddle. The saddle is incredible because it better supports the rider and offers some protection to one’s body. Professor Barry Cunliffe posits that the Scythians may have been the inventors of the saddle, and cultural diffusion may have allowed the saddle to enter the ancient Near East, where it would then be found among the ranks of Assyrian cavalry.

Scythian saddles have been found in a number of kurgans. The Pazyryk kurgans of the Sayan-Altai contain a number of intricately created ones. In Barrow 5, preserved saddles here were constructed with horse hair and decorated with shield-shaped pendants. In general, the Scythian saddle consisted of two felt cushions, stuffed with a variety of materials like stag or reindeer hair. The cushions were fixed to “wooden saddle frames placed back and front,” while “the saddles were kept in place by a girth strip, a breastband, and a tailstrap.” One study found a key detail of Scythian saddles:

“An important characteristic of Pazyryk saddles was the angle of the spread of the front supports vis-a-vis the axis of the saddle, approximately 55-60 degrees, whereas the rear supports were perpendicular to the axis. The angle formed by the front supports and the axis of the saddle corresponded most closely to the position of the thigh of the rider, who sat in the saddle without stirrups. In contrast, on Roman saddles, the front and back conical support elements were both perpendicular to the axis of the saddle.”

Many of the Scythian saddles we’ve recovered were beautifully decorated. I already briefly mentioned one of the Pazyryk saddles that contained shield-shaped decorations. Others were decorated with various materials like wool or felt. Gold foil was often used to cover ornaments. Under the saddles were saddle cloths that hung down from both sides. Reconstructions created by Professor Renate Rolle, a leading scholar of Scythian studies, shows the number of colors exhibited by Scythian saddles. Some saddles were decorated in blues, reds, golds, and greens. Animalistic art styled the cushions. These saddles were intricately crafted and designed, and they represent a lot about Scythian values. 

However, it is this intricacy that requires a bit of a caveat. The fact that these well-designed saddles were also found in burial sites points to one possible idea: these were not saddles for everyday use. They may have been ceremonial, perhaps only ever constructed as part of a death rite. Barry Cunliffe speculates these saddles could have been used on ceremonial occasions and parades.

Beyond the horse and the saddle, the Scythian warrior was next best characterized by the most deadly of steppe weapons: the bow and arrow. Like horses, bows and arrows have been found in Scythian graves all over the Eurasian steppe. The Scythian bow was small, measuring at around 1 meter in length. It was designed as a composite bow, meaning that the weapon developed from a wooden core that was then reinforced by wood, bone, and animal sinew. 

It would be this composite structure that gave steppe archers their firing power, as the composite structure creates compressive forces that help increase the power of an arrow shot. The firing power of the Scythian bow is best demonstrated in a Greek monument found in Olbia, a Greek colony nestled along the northern Black Sea. The monument describes how a man named Anaxagoras fired an arrow at a distance of around half a kilometer. 

Scythian arrows are characterized by birch wood and tips of bronze, iron, or bone. Furthermore, the tips were noted to have a varying number of shapes. Some arrowheads are described as having a “trilobate” section. Other arrows were barbed, meaning that they would tear flesh if an enemy attempted to pull the arrow out. Such a particular action would be deadly. To add additional threats to their archery, the Scythians were known to poison their arrows. This poison was apparently created from a mixture of snake venom, human corpses, and dung. The Roman poet Ovid was so fascinated by the Scythian use of poison that it became part of his poems during his exile in Tomis: “Some fall, pitifully shot down by hooked arrows; for a poisonous juice clings to the flying metal.

To better support their archery, the Scythians also developed a sort of bow case called the gorytus. The gorytus was made from leather and placed on a warrior’s belt, typically on the left-hand side. It contained an area that acted as a quiver, holding around 70-100 arrows. This area resembled a pocket and could be sealed to prevent moisture from damaging the arrows. Importantly, Scythian archers could keep their bow stringed while in the gorytus, meaning that soldiers were able to fire arrows quickly upon engaging with an enemy. As the Pontic Scythians grew closer with the Greek colonies of the Black Sea, we found several of these bow cases decorated in gold casing, likely constructed in cities like Olbia.

The bow was deadly at range, but the Scythians would need other tools at shorter distances. Lances and javelins could be used at medium distances. Swords, flails, and axes were common weapons when warriors were forced to engage in hand-to-hand combat. Larger weapons were also used, such as battle axes and maces. As the Scythians made their way to new territories, they would adopt and adapt the weaponry of local inhabitants. The Cambridge Ancient History notes that the Scythians utilized daggers and “bronze socketed arrow-heads” that came from the Caucasus region.

Like their arrows, Scythian weapons were designed to inflict devastating damage to their enemies. Javelins were often tipped with iron and consisted of “triangular tanged points.” Basically giant barbs. Again, these would have caused major injury if one attempted to pull these spears out.  Perhaps the most peculiar weapon in the Scythian arsenal were their whips. The whip has been used by steppe groups throughout the years and persisted up to the days of the Cossacks.

Indeed, the whip takes a special place in Scythian history. Herodotus describes an account where the Pontic Scythians were engaged in a civil war of sorts. The story is rather complicated and something we’ll dive deeper later, but the gist is that the Scythians faced a slave revolt. And, in the words of our Greek historian:

“The fight took place again and again, and the Scythians were unable to get the better of them in battle. At this one of the Scythians said: ‘What a thing we are doing, fellow countrymen! We are fighting with our own slaves. We get killed ourselves and we are that much fewer. We kill them, and we have that many fewer subjects to rule. I think we should leave by our spears and bows. Let each one of us take up a horsewhip and go for them with that… Let them see us with whips instead of arms, and they will learn that they are our slaves; and once they have realized that, they will not stand their ground against us.”

Though formidable in arms, a Scythian warrior needed more to survive the midst of combat. Swords and bows meant little if one was vulnerable to a slight cut, after all. To protect their bodies, Scythian warriors would use shields and armor. Scythian armor is very interesting. A typical piece is made up of thousands of bronze or iron scales. These scales were then fixed to a leather jacket. We know that such scale armor could be intricately designed. One particular piece contained scales that measured at around 0.7 by 0.3 inches. According to Professor Rolle, the benefit of this design was that the armor was comfortable and flexible, allowing warriors the ability to make careful maneuvers on horseback or in the middle of a melee. 

And unlike most medieval fantasy television shows, the Scythians understood the necessity in protecting one’s head. Scythian helmets display an incredible amount of change over the years. Some of the earliest helmets are the Kuban helmets, which were relatively crude bronze pieces with neck-protecting pieces jutting out on the sides. Throughout the following centuries, we start to find Greek Corinthian helmets in Scythian tombs. Again, a reflection of the growing dynamics between the Greek Pontic colonies and the Scythians. The Scythians of Central Asia, the Saka, would become famous for their headgear. The Saka Tigrakhauda are known as the “Coned Hat” Scythians, and the Issyk kurgan contains a famous example of this type of helm. The Massagetae, meanwhile, were known for their bronze helmets that contained gold adornments.

In summation, our reconstructed Scythian warrior was probably a mounted one. He, or she in the case of a few other Scythian groups, would have been an adept archer. Their bow and arrows would’ve been kept in a gorytus. They would have carried a sword or spear and perhaps a dagger or two. They would’ve been adorned in scale armor and maybe possessed a shield of wood or metal. 

This single warrior would have been formidable, but a single soldier does not win a war. Now that we’ve covered the individual details, let’s shift over to more macro-level discussions. Equally important to their bows and swords were tactics and strategies, and the Scythians would demonstrate why the steppe maintained a martial edge for much of history. 

Having been raised on the steppe, the Scythian people were probably trained in several skills that other populations would not have been as privy too. I’ll cheat and offer this famous quote by the ancient Chinese historian Sima Qian: 

“As early as the time of Emperors Yao and Shun… we hear of these people… wandering from place to place, pasturing their animals… They move about in search of water and pasture and have no walled cities or fixed dwellings, nor do they engage in any kind of agriculture…. The little boys start out by learning to ride sheep and shoot birds and rats with a bow and arrow, and when they get a little older, they shoot foxes and hares, which are used for food. Thus all the young men are able to use a bow and act as armed cavalry in time of war…. For long-range weapons they use bows and arrows, and swords and spears at close range. If the battle is going well for them they will advance, but if not, they will retreat, for they do not consider it a disgrace to run away.”

This nomadic lifestyle, based around horsemanship and archery, allowed the Scythians a certain edge in warfare. Hunting was a particularly important part of Scythian life and scholars believe such activities were instrumental in allowing warriors the ability to hone their skills. The Mongols, for instance, participated in their own hunting games, such as the nerge, and such games helped the Mongols practice for war. One particular Scythian game was one that involved hares and rabbits. Here, Scythian riders would attempt to kill these hares with a lance or spear.

Through this lifestyle and these hunting events, Scythian riders could become accustomed to riding maneuvers, following orders, and adapting to circumstances as needed. When the Scythians waged war or launched raids, they would apply tactics that utilized these strengths. One particular strategy would find parallels across the steppe with the Turks, the Mongols, and so on. Scythian armies would lure enemies deep into their territory, and once the enemy had sustained high levels of attrition, the Scythians would plunge in for the attack.

One notable incident occurred in 513-512 BCE. During this time, the Persian Empire under Darius attempted to pacify the northern steppe through a war. The Persian army crossed through the Bosphorus, up through Thrace and Bessarabia, and entered the lands of the Pontic Scythians. This incident revealed to us several key details about Scythian military strategy. First, the Scythians ordered themselves into three main wings. Each was ruled by a king, though two of the leaders remained subservient to an overarching supreme commander. This allowed the Scythian a degree of flexibility. One army could track Darius’ movements and harass him, while another could continue retreating and goading the Persian army. At the same time, the Scythians would employ a sort of scorched earth tactic. As Herodotus mentions, the Scythians “would withdraw and… fill in the wells and springs as they passed and destroy the grass from the land.” As such, the Scythians practiced one of the earliest forms of the feint retreat so commonly associated with steppe warriors. 

The Persians chose to withdraw rather than fight a battle deep in the steppe. It was probably a smart decision. In the midst of battle, the Scythians were still a formidable force. They would have fielded auxiliary infantry, a large bulk of horse archers, and a corps of heavily armored cavalry. Indeed, the order of battle probably involved an initial array of arrow fire. Infantry would then clash against infantry, while mounted archers raced around, firing arrows. Enemy cavalry may attempt to chase off these mounted archers, but that would be a mistake. The Scythians were masters of the Parthian Shot; they were able to turn around, firing arrows, all while riding. The Scythians, after all, are related to the Parthians. Should a mounted warrior suddenly find himself unhorsed or in close combat, he would’ve swapped to one of his many weapons: the spear, sword, ax, or whip. Then, its probable that the elite cavalry would be sent in, giving the already engaged Scythians a needed morale boost while surprising the enemy. The Scythians, both on the field and in the battle, were deadly and effective. 

After the battle was over, the Scythians are reported to have engaged in a number of behaviors. These cultural practices were written by Herodotus and he may have overplayed the nature of them to shock his audiences. These include the drinking of an enemy’s blood, the collection of enemy heads, and the flaying of enemy corpses to create quivers. We are even told that the Scythians created drinking cups out of skulls, but if you are familiar with Byzantine history, this is a common motif used to denigrate steppe peoples, and the evidence for such practices isn’t really that definitive. If you’re wondering about specifics, consider the Bulgars and the narratives of Khan Krum, who is said to have turned the skull of Emperor Nikephoros I into a drinking vessel. In any case, it is likely that the Scythians maintained various rituals to celebrate the aftermath of a great victory. This could have involved feasting and festivities, and perhaps Herodotus is somewhat accurate in his depictions.

The final subject I want to talk about is the presence of Scythian mercenaries in foreign armies. As the Scythians became more aware of their foreign neighbors, whether through diplomatic relations or through raids, some Scythian warriors may have sought their fortunes in the service of others. Conversely, the martial prowess of the Scythians would have made them an attractive mercenary force to hire. The creation of an elite cavalry force can be time consuming and expensive; it may have been more effective to outright buy a cavalry force then. Mercenary work was equally important for those back in the steppe. Barry Cunliffe points out that “the rewards and the plunder generated by this [mercenary] involvement flowed back into their steppe homeland to be used in cycles of gift exchange, the exotic items much admired, until they were consigned to the earth as the burial goods of their last owner.”

We have evidence of Scythian mercenaries across the ancient Near East. During the reign of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon, sometime in the 7th century BCE, we know that a contingent of Scythians became vassals to the Assyrians. These Scythians became instrumental in Assyrian campaigns against the Kimmerians. You see, what better way to protect yourself from steppe warriors than other steppe warriors? In Persia, Saka groups were hired routinely. Saka riders crossed through the Central Asia deserts and were employed in the service of many Shahs. We know that Saka contingents served during the Persian invasion of the Greeks, such as during the battles of Marathon and Plataea. Throughout the years, this relationship between Persia and the steppe would be quite influential. During the Sassanid era, several Shahs would court assistance from the Hephtalites, for instance.

Scholars like Christopher Beckwith have even argued that the Scythian presence in the Persian Empire was even more profound, that a Scythian military elite would be the progenitor of the Achaemenid Empire. There’s a lot to be said about Beckwith’s latest work, and will assess it more later, but needless to say, the military relationship between Scythia and Persia would be an important one. 

And so with all of this said, I think it is time to wrap things up. Today was a lot of information, but hopefully it was quite exciting stuff. Through this episode, we examined the many facets of Scythian warfare, from the individual pieces of equipment and weaponry to the tactics they would have utilized. It should be clear that a lot of what we discussed mostly pertains to the Pontic steppe, but there are elements that are likely universal. The emphasis on the bow and the horse almost certainly was practiced from the Sayan-Altai to the Hungarian Plain, and of course, such tools and tactics would become important to later historical figures. 

As a quick aside, I’d like to thank a listener who corrected me on the pronunciation of our helpful scholar Barry Cunliffe. It is, as you’ve heard throughout this episode, Cunliffe rather than Coon-life. Again, I’m always happy to take any and all corrections, so don’t hesitate in reaching out with anything!

Thank you again for listening. Next time, we’ll examine the religious beliefs of the Scythians, and hopefully we’ll dive a little more into the regional differences. I hope you enjoyed this episode, please reach out to me if you have any questions or concerns, and I’ll see you next on the windy plains of the Eurasian steppe.

Music: Alaskan Suite - Lennon Hutton