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Galveston's Hidden Labor Rebellion

• Galveston Unscripted | J.R. Shaw

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Galveston's longshoremen, both Black and white, fought against exploitation and dangerous working conditions in one of America's most important port cities, culminating in violent strikes and an unprecedented five-month military occupation.

• Cotton was king and Galveston was Texas' gateway to the world in the mid-19th century
• Longshoremen and screwmen performed grueling, dangerous work loading ships for minimal pay
• Unusual interracial cooperation between segregated unions challenged Jim Crow norms
• The 1898 strike turned deadly when police fired into crowds, killing three workers
• Companies deliberately inflamed racial tensions to break worker solidarity
• Governor William Hobby declared martial law during the 1920 strike
• National Guard occupied Galveston for five months—one of the longest peacetime military occupations in US history
• These forgotten labor struggles helped shape Texas' strong right-to-work laws
• Longshore unions continue operating in Galveston today, carrying on a 150-year legacy


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What if your job meant 10-hour days, 7 days a week? What if the work was dangerous, exhausting and barely enough to feed your family? And what if the company making millions from your labor paid you just enough to keep you quiet and tired? This is the story of Galveston's longshoremen black and white union men, and, following the lead of laborers around the country, they believe that by organizing together they might finally be heard. From brutal summers on the docks to blood spilled on the wars, to five months of martial law under the watchful eye of the Texas National Guard, this is the forgotten chapter of labor history that still echoes here at the Port of Galveston and even courtrooms in Texas today. By the mid-19th century in the United States, as industrialization and free enterprise swept across the country, most companies operated with little oversight. While this often fueled innovation and boosted profits, it also led to unsafe, unhealthy and downright inhumane working conditions for the laborers who kept those industries moving.

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By the 1850s, galveston a booming port city and one of the most important commercial hubs in the South, the stakes were especially high. Cotton was king and Galveston was Texas' gateway to the world. The docks at the port of Galveston were always busy, the ships constantly loading and unloading cargo. But behind the economic engine were thousands of workers, many of them longshoremen and screwmen. Longshoremen is just a really old-timey word for dock worker. They're called longshoremen because they work along the shore. These jobs were to physically load and unload the cargo onto each vessel. A screwman is a specialized type of longshoreman. Historically, in ports like Galveston and New Orleans, this job was to pack cotton tightly into the holds of ships using long jack screws, a specialized tool to pack as much cotton as possible onto a vessel. This was dangerous, grueling labor for low pay, often in brutal conditions. These men powered the port, but they had little power of their own.

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All across the United States, those doing the actual labor began connecting with each other and organizing into labor unions. The men and women running the machines in factories or loading goods onto ships realized that one person's voice speaking out against these conditions might get lost. But by speaking in unison, real change was possible Through the power of collective bargaining. Unions have historically fought for better pay, safer working conditions and fair employment practices across a wide industry of American industries. Galveston wasn't an outlier. It was part of a wave Across the nation. Laborers had already begun testing the limits of free enterprise, labor strikes had been happening, leading to the founding of the National Labor Union in 1866. By the time Texas workers began organizing, they were stepping into a much larger story of labor unrest and reform.

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According to the Texas State Historical Association, galveston was home to the state's first union activity the Carpenters. Local no 7 was organized on the island in 1860, followed by other local trades and shipping unions, and in a port city like Galveston no group carried more weight than the Scrumen. In 1866, they formed the Scrumen's Benevolent Association. These men had the brutal task of compressing the cotton bales for shipment. As I mentioned earlier and it cannot be overstated in Texas cotton was king. Cotton is light and compressible and the more cotton that could be physically squeezed into the holds of these ships, the more profit you would make on the shipment. For each shipment, a good crew of screwmen and longshoremen could make the difference between breaking even, making a marginal sum or making a massive profit an early sign that organized labor on the docks of Galveston would be both powerful and indispensable. As the state's most important port, galveston relied heavily on the labor of longshoremen as well. Also, in 1866, a group of white longshoremen organized their first union with the island's black longshoremen forming their union in 1870.

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Though segregated unions were a common practice in the South, it divided the labor force and made it harder for workers to coordinate their efforts, and the powerful people controlling the industries didn't have any problem exploiting the system. On the Galveston Wars, black longshoremen worked for the Mallory Company, though competing Morgan Company paid better. They only employed white longshoremen, but with everyone working in such close proximity, the disparities were obvious. One historian notes that by 1898, black and white waterfront workers in Galveston had settled into an uneasy biracial alliance Separate unions that on occasion supported one another in labor conflicts. While unusually cooperative for the Jim Crow South, this alliance was fragile, as employers often tried to inflame racial divides to weaken the union's bargaining power, and conflicts did happen.

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Historically, when union members approach the higher-ups to present their concerns and demands, what happens if the boss says no? See, what makes a union powerful is its ability to stop work entirely, disrupting the flow of business as a whole. When companies don't agree to raise wages or provide better conditions, union members can collectively agree to lay down their tools and walk out in a strike. Instead of clocking in, the laborers spend their days outside of the business, or the port, in this case in picket lines, advocating loudly for their cause. A strike can be empowering for the union members and they're typically used as a last resort because they also place the laborers in a vulnerable position. Although it's unlikely the union might cover lost wages during the strike, but this is definitely not common, especially in the 1800s position. Although it's unlikely the union might cover lost wages during the strike, but this is definitely not common, especially in the 1800s. The biggest threat to the union and the laborers is that the companies might just hire people to replace them entirely, and the word of the day is scab. Union laborers call these non-union replacements scabs and, historically speaking, if they're brought from the Houston area, galvestonians called them mudcats and, historically speaking, if they're brought from the Houston area, galvestonians called them mudcats. This was a scene on Galveston's wharves on August 30, 1898.

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The first day of a large strike. Over 1,500 local longshoremen, black and white, were picketing the Mallory Company, seeking equal pay 40 cents for a day of work and 50 cents for night work. Black union leaders insisted this was comparable to what white men on the Morgan line were making for the same job. The strikers refused to unload the steamship Colorado and completely blocked access to the company's warehouse. No one was allowed across the picket line, especially the quote scabs hired by the Mallory line. One man who showed up to be replacement told the Galveston Daily News, quote we are the men who will unload that ship and we will get Union wages for it.

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The first day of the strike was relatively quiet, though police were called in to disperse the large crowd that afternoon. But the Union men were back to the picket line first thing in the morning, right on schedule. While 30 regular crew members of the vessel unloaded the cargo, galveston's longshoremen stood by and waited. Meanwhile, mayor of Galveston's longshoremen stood by and waited. Meanwhile, mayor of Galveston, mr Ashley Fly, and roughly 20 policemen attempted to control the crowd, addressing the strikers from a platform and threatening to arrest the leaders if they didn't leave the wharf. The sequence of events of what happens next varies drastically depending on what source you're reading. Either way, three local longshoremen were killed for the cause.

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Before things were over, at around 3.30 pm, a train from Houston arrived carrying 65, quote mudcats hired to break the strike and unload the cargo. As the Houston laborers got off the train, locals moved onto the wharf and convinced the mudcats not to work, using both reason and intimidation to get their point across. Things quickly grew tense and the Galveston police began trying to disperse the crowd of Union men as Mayor Fly and the police watched a group of strikers moved toward their platform. Strike leaders say that the mayor had agreed to meet with them to discuss the situation, which is why the group came forward. The mayor later stated that he had refused the proposition to meet and threatened to open fire if the men came any closer. Regardless of whether the crowd surged forward or only the delegation approached the police line, the mayor and police saw the approaching men as a threat and charged the strikers with clubs seeking to drive them back. The crowd did not yield, however, and the mayor himself fired five shots into the mass of men and ordered his officers to follow suit. As the crowd fled from the gunshots and chaos, several people were injured and a white striker named Thomas Baker lay dead on the scene. An African-American striker named Manuel Frank Robinson was pronounced dead.

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The next day, however, many men remained on the scene and within 10 minutes continued pressing the mayor and police. The situation continued to escalate and at one point, 30 local men were deputized and given firearms. As the afternoon wore on, more gunfire was exchanged and thankfully no one else was killed that day. Tensions finally cooled that evening when a heavy rainstorm blanketed the wharf, stopping cargo operations and sending the strikers home that night. While the longshoremen denounced further violence, mayor Fly requested backup from the governor. 26 men arrived that evening by train, bringing with them two Gatling guns capable of firing 1,400 rounds per minute.

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The next day, september 1st, the strike-breaking Mudcats worked without interruption While the authorities guarded the wharfs, occasionally target-sho shooting over the waters of the port towards Pelican Island and testing the fire rate of the Gatling guns. Elsewhere on the island, the police arrested four strike leaders and charged them with unlawful assembly and inciting a riot. All four were released on bond. That weekend the two men killed during the strike were laid to rest. Because of the circumstances, their services became an extraordinary expression of solidarity. Although their funerals were separate, each funeral drew over a thousand men, mainly union members. The strike continued and just a few days later, on September 5th, the city's union celebrated Labor Day in different parts of the city.

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This strike continued for two weeks, with negotiations taking place and the Mallory Company still hiring mudcats and out-of-towners. The wars remained relatively quiet until late in the evening on September 22nd, as out-of-town non-union laborers slept, 40 to 50 disguised African-American men broke into the building and opened fire, pointing their guns towards the ceiling. Roughly 150 rounds were fired before the group fled the scene. One of the mudcats received a small wound, but overall the intent was intimidation, not murder. Police quickly called in reinforcements and one Galveston striker was shot and killed that night. In the aftermath, records identify that man as Charles Johnson, making him the third striker to lose his life during the 1898 conflict. Ultimately, these 1898 strikers did not succeed. The unprecedented violence and resulting legal fallout intimidated the workers enough to abandon the cause for the time being. Many returned to work without an increase in pay but continued meeting and organizing.

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For over 20 years, longshoremen continued working in roughly the same fashion. Unions remained segregated and black longshoremen earned less money than their white counterparts for the same work. However, the groups were cooperating to improve working conditions on the wharfs. However, the groups were cooperating to improve working conditions on the wharfs. White union members understood that better working conditions for black workers meant better conditions for everyone. The black union members felt more empowered, informed and supported because both races worked so closely together. Many scholars argue that while race was a factor in these relationships, these segregated unions were truly connected by their socioeconomic class. All laborers black, white or brown, shared a common interest in improving their social and economic circumstances. This is ultimately what drove the extraordinary interracial cooperation seen in Galveston during this period, which was not common around the country.

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After World War I, things were changing across the United States and the Galveston Longshoremen weren't standing up to the company men alone. In March of 1920, longshoremen from the Atlantic to the Gulf Coast organized and began striking for better wages. This was a multi-tiered, multi-port strike. On March 19th, 1,600 Longshoremen in Galveston, black and white alike, joined the growing nationwide strike. Now, although the 1898 strike lasted only a short time, this one would last for months and gain national attention. In May the Mallory Line suspended operations on the island and threatened not to return at all. The Morgan Line opted to keep using non-union labor and encouraged city officials to request backup from the Texas Rangers. Texas Governor William Hobby quickly agreed and immediately sent a company of Rangers to the island to support and protect companies, authorities and strikebreakers. Both shipping companies began stoking racial tensions in Galveston to try to break the strike. The Morgan line began hiring black strikebreakers, while the Mallory line resumed operations using white strikebreakers.

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The non-union laborers kept cargo moving through the port, but local strikers continued picketing the wharfs, disrupting and hindering the already slow-moving operations. The unions and the companies were at a stalemate and the stakes were high. Galveston's longshoremen continued to march and negotiate together as the situation escalated. According to historian Barty Hale, after a tense emergency meeting on June 2, 1920, governor William P Hobby issued an ultimatum giving Galveston officials 72 hours to restore order or face martial law. On Monday, june 7, 1920, hobby acted on this threat, declaring martial law and employing over 500 citizen troops and, shortly thereafter, approximately 1,000 National Guardsmen to occupy the city.

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The governor and those invested in the state's shipping business were desperate to completely break the strike. Before long, around 1,000 National Guardsmen were stationed in Galveston, protecting non-union laborers and the company men from angry local longshoremen. However, we should note that the city commissioners, the Galveston Dock and Marine Council and the state's labor press all denounced the action and charged that the real purpose behind the decision to send troops to Galveston was to assure open shop conditions in the city, protecting the interests of the businessmen over the workers. The summer of 1920 was tense, with the National Guardsmen patrolling the island and protecting the strikebreakers. Local press was censored and criticism of the Guardsmen was not tolerated. As the summer progressed, the situation cooled as it had become clear that the shipping companies had the power of the state on their side. Even as some troops were withdrawn, the governor officially suspended city officials and the entire police department.

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Galveston would remain under military occupation for nearly five months. Keep in mind this is in the 20th century. This is one of the longest peacetime deployments of troops in any American city. Finally, on September 30, 1920, the National Guard withdrew and left the Texas Rangers in charge of the island. Finally, in January of 1921, the Rangers left, returning the city to its elected officials and local citizens.

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A deal was eventually reached with the Union men and they finally returned to work. Ultimately, the Galveston Longshoremen won small raises, but not much else. The governor had sent a powerful message to unions in the state business comes first. The strikes of 1898 and 1920 influenced labor relations in Texas, eventually leading to the adoption of strong right-to-work laws in the mid-20th century. Galveston's longshore unions are still active today, carrying on a legacy of solidarity while powering the island's busy port.

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Since 1920, galveston has had a handful of strikes on the waterfront, but none requiring the declaration of martial law. Longshore unions continue to connect and support dock workers across the country, and unions in general support local trades. Today, the port of Galveston is now 200 years old. From cotton screwmen to longshoremen and even strike-breaking mudcats, galveston's docks have been the stage for some of the most dramatic and often overlooked labor struggles in Texas history. This island wasn't just moving cargo. It was shaping the future of work, solidarity and community in a city already famous for pirates, hurricanes and boomtown fortunes. Like so many chapters of Galveston's past, the story of its unions remind us that this little barrier island has always punched far above its weight. Whether it was commerce, culture or conflict, galveston has a way of putting itself at the center of the action, and in true Galveston fashion, the fight for fair work on the wars became not just a local story but a part of the bigger, incredible and often chaotic history that makes this island unforgettable.

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