
UnderSimplified
UnderSimplified
Toomas Ilves -- Former President of Estonia, Old School Technologist, Pensioner
Episode four is with Toomas Ilves, the former President of Estonia. Toomas is a statesman, foreign policy expert, and a technologist long before the term existed. He brought the internet into Estonian elementary schools before the internet arrived to some U.S. cities. Toomas is like a visitor from a parallel universe where elected leaders are technocratic, effective, and wise. During his time as an elected official, Toomas successfully followed through on his promise to get Estonia into both the EU and NATO, and he guided Estonia to becoming one of the world's most technically advanced countries. While the West has periodically suffered from a naive approach to Russia (i.e. Bush seeing Putin's soul, Obama's "reset," the entirety of Germany’s foreign policy, and Trump’s Helsinki summitt), Toomas has never suffered under such illusions and has been one of the clearest voices against imperialism in general, and Russia in particular, for years.
Toomas on Twitter: @IlvesToomas
Toomas on Mastodon: @toomas_ilves@mastodon.social
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Tomas Ives. Welcome to the Under Simplified Podcast.
to be here
Well, we're extremely excited to have you. This is our fourth episode, and we already have, , ahead of state. So this is, , a big deal for us.
the Former,
former head of state, but I mean, we don't need to tell the audience that it's former . I I mean, the work that you're doing is, is more like you're, you're some somewhat still the current head of state in a couple of different places. So it's, it's really interesting. Before I actually take a shot at introducing you, I've heard you on a couple of other podcasts, and I, and I noticed that folks, after introducing you, , oftentimes you, have other things you'd like to offer about your background.
So I might just turn it over to you , and ask you how do you like to introduce yourself?
No. Pension or
pensioner,
That's a busy one.
unfortunately But yeah, I live in Estonia.
I live on the family farm.
I teach and I go around.
when people invite me to give talks on
things ranging from
the Warren Ukraine to how you digitize, uh, public services
What I Where do you teach right now?
, University of Tatu, which
is the national university, the main university in
Estonia, established in 1631. I teach on, ,
issues
relating democracy, governance,
And the.
current technology,
,
trying to set up a new degree program which would be an mda, which is not ecstasy
but rather a Masters in digital administration,
, pattern on the idea of a masters in business administration. But the
public services governance, , can be much, much better and needs to be much, much better, , than it is.
I think that probably
the,
the only really highly developed country that has I mean, nowhere digitally in, in terms of the public side is the United States.
If Palo Alto and Stanford and Silicon Valley is the mecca of tech, which it is Then on the other hand, , when it comes to
Everything
outside of , entertainment and business,
It's
kind of a disaster
The world is way ahead of
At least lots of countries are way ahead of the United States. It's just paradoxical
that the United States, uh,
is digitally so slow in the realm of public
services. I mean,
In my country, for example,
there are
two things you cannot do digitally in relating to the government.
One is getting married and the other one is
getting divorced. You have to show up one way or another
whereas everything
else I can do online.
And, um, we don't have that in the US or
I think we have the opposite We have two things you can do online digitally in the United States right now. Maximum.
Yeah. Well, it's, it's, I mean,
and where you do where
things are, they're very rickety and insecure. is
The
problem
, and you have to sort of build these things up from the. Position of security
so that you
don't get your your population in trouble.
You, , left out , the piece that, , will obviously hit in the intro for you, but you were president of Estonia from 2006 to 2016,
and
that was after having served in a number of government positions. ,
prior to that, would you be willing to, , just outline how you ended up, in those spots?
Cause you, you were, you were born there and you lived here
for I was born in Sweden I'll
Okay Yeah Do it Yeah Give us the
It's Stalin called Thera course.
I mean, here it is.
I was born in Sweden, the child of refugees. My parents moved
to the United States in,
in the 1950s and I grew up here. , basically my linguistically formative period was
spent in
Leonia, New Jersey,
across the
river from where I am, ,
right now.
And,
, I went to Columbia University of Pennsylvania studying experimental psychology kind of.
the science and more
Quantitative end of psychology. And, , eventually ended up
, because I was
writing,
on just out of pure interest on
Estonia, things, being
recruited by radio Free Europe
in 19 83, 84 to come work for them as an
analyst
for um, number of years.
And then, , at some point they made me head
of the
EST Australian service, which is,
I mean, That's kind
of like my Cold
War background. During that time I was , young and kind of crazy and did all kinds of stuff there that, um,
now Radio Free Europe
does in
terms of going. Locally going
into country and so forth, hiring people from inside the country.
And
also in that process, I, , I got to get to know a lot of. the People who later on, who were there, anti regime,
um, I mean not all
dissidents, some of them were just uh, systemic opposition. I don't know what you would call them, but
in any
case, , I got to know a lot of them. And then when the Soviet Union collapsed
basically they
won the first Democratic elections in the country,
and they asked me
to come work for the government
saying, you know, where tired of hearing
all this
criticism, what we're
doing in wrong or how to do things right,
Quit your job and come
work for us?
And that it was kind of tough to
avoid and to
morally and ethically they were right. So I
did
in fact,
,
quit the job. Give up my US
citizenship. Went
as the first ambassador since World War II to
Washington. And then
While I was there, I dealt primarily with getting Russian troops out of,
Estonia but in the
process, I got into this whole digitization thing that came out of, , two fundamental problems.
One is that, er was extremely poor, but it
hadn't
always been that way.
, in
1938, last full year before World War II started. My country Estonia is slightly better, slightly richer than Finland
in terms of GDP
per capita. If you look at GDP per capita in
19, ,
92,
which was the
First full year, uh, Estonia was independent. again, the GDP per capita. Finland was $23,800. So $24,000.
US dollars nominal.
The GDP per capita of Estonia was $2,800.
So an eight fold difference. I mean,
That's the
glories of communism We were eight times poorer than
the country we were
ahead of in the past. , and so this is, this was a problem faced by all of Eastern Europe.
I was trying to figure
out what are we gonna do? And there were all sorts of crazy ideas and all across
Eastern Europe on what to do.
And there were two moments, one was that, ,
in the summer of 93
This thing
came out called Mosaic, which was the first web.
browser, which was, Unlike today, you just download a web browser, you had to go to Radio Shack and, I don't know, 29 95 .
you
a cardboard box. Yeah, I remember
Yeah.
And I get, I dunno, five or seven floppy discs. And you load it up into your computer and then this thing appeared. And it was before the first browser, you had hdtp or the Hypertech transfer protocol, which
Was invented in 1989 by Tim Burners Lee.
But
It wasn't really easy to use. But then
Now you
had a web browser and um, and I looked at this, I said, This is, this is
the one thing,
Or more or
less, one realm where my country is starting off on a level playing field
because on all other
issues it was, we
and a lot of other com former Kami countries were
basically had been
left out of.
development.
All the highways,
you know, the interstates in the us, the
outer bonds in
Germany,
all of the sort of modern
building
that had been going on
for 50 years while we were
still back in the past with our old rickety infrastructure.
But this is one place where
We
could start off at,
the same level,
, in development of countries. You you have
the
XS paradox problem of
where Achilles is running after
the tortoise, but
he never catches up.
And that's the problem with development is that
yeah, well we can grow 10%
in a poor country,
say Estonia, and then compared to Finland. Well, we can grow 10%. It'll still be less growth than if they grow one and a half
percent. I
mean, that's
just the the nature of things. So you really want to get into something where you are or
playing on a
level playing field.
So that was, that was kind of
the main insight. And then the question was how you do it and how you
Do it. Uh, I had the experience with that as well, I thought
which was in my little town of Leonia, New Jersey in
1971. I
had a brilliant math
teacher
who was doing her PhD in math education at Teachers College Columbia. And she had this
wild
idea, let's see if we could teach kids to code.
So I was like
in 10th grade
or
11th grade, and she rented a
teletype, with a peripheral tape She had a big telephone modem, and then she would stick the fixed line phone into this
huge box, which was connected
to a mainframe 30
miles away.
And I didn't
I knew this was possible at that time.
it,
it Well it
have been plugged into a society that was
was
no this was this was completely off the wall I mean, she was just
she wanted to see if you could teach
programming. And So, I mean, you programmed on a tele
machine and you would
print out this Perfo tape,
and then later on, once
you'd done your program, you, it was like, it was like basically
sort of like
computer cards, but this, you would just feed this
Through And, uh, I learned how to program.
It was not no big deal,
in fact. But, , what that did give me was 25 years later. this belief that, Wow, well, You know, actually you can teach kids to program. , It's not something, I mean, what it gave me through most of my life was that I was never afraid of computers. It was just, even though I wasn't, I mean I was I guess a semi geek, right?
I was like dealt with
Soft stuff, humanist stuff, politics, . But I was not in any way intimidated by a computer and managed to ruin several by playing around.
with them.
So that was the idea. I said, Okay, why don't we get the kids
online? So
then I made this proposal, Why don't we get all schools online and digitized?
And I
did that in 94,
95,
Unfortunately for a very brief time. We had a really smart
minister of education. who said, That's a good idea. And he pushed it through the government. So we,
instituted
this program that all schools, , got computer labs and were online. And by so started in 96 and by 98 that was the case. All schools were online.
And that led to, again, a next step in which people saw how
companies, banks saw that in fact.
digitization
allowed them to be much more efficient. And they started guiding on the act. We had so-called public private partnerships with NGOs getting,
getting
municipal governments digitized. And that's basically how it went.
And.
then just to sum it up, it
Became clear
the
system that was used then and is used today in most places where you have simply
an email address and one password is completely absurd and is insecure. And And every time I go buy a book on Amazon, I look at this and I go, Oh, that's horrible. But none of this. But that is the system used to this day almost.
everywhere.
So I did that when I was ambassador. And then uh, the other thing that happened was I was called back by the president to become a foreign minister in 1996.
And, because there there's some government problems and he wanted me to be the foreign
minister,
So aside from the digital thing, the other
thing I
was mostly involved in was, um, had become convinced in the United States reading, And looking what people were doing and saying that the primary aspiration of Estonia and the Baltic countries, which was completely understandable, uh, given our history, was We must join nato.
We must join nato. I mean, yeah, that's obviously, but the European Union at that time was looked upon by these countries, kind of of secondary importance. And I guess the attitude that most people had in the region was, Yeah, well, we'll eventually get around to that thing too. But the important thing is nato, I mean, security for a country that has, you know, has had mass deportations.
I mean, all the things that happened in Ukraine today was still, paramount
importance
What's it like to live in a digital society like this? How, how would you describe the differences? How would you compare it? And. Are the people of Astonia or are they proud of it? Do they think of this as something that separates their country from others?
Okay,
what is it like to live in a digital society? As I mentioned, there are two things
you can't do.
digitally. With regard to the government. It means that, ,
um, government continues to function when you have c I mean, that's
an
extreme case. I recall when I reading in the New York Times in 2020, how there were was a backlog of 3 million passports in the United States because of Covid. because government offices were closed Whereas it was like, Huh?
I
up from a backlog of 1 million probably. But yeah,
up from a backlog of probably
But
no, I get where you're going
going The, so I don't
know. Those things seem unheard of. , we have a government.
where,
I mean, rather not a government, It is administration.
We think of
it as the bureaucracy, , that become so streamlined that basically it operates by itself.
And So you take
I mean, non-discretionary decisions
or to
be like
less fancy about
it decisions where you
tick off the boxes. Those don't need a person
To, to do them. So
if you're a certain age or you
live in a
certain place or whatever it
is that ha has to do with your circumstances. If you, if you tick off the boxes, then
there's no person in
between, no
paper
form to file to be processed by other
human beings.
And where the real big difference comes in on all of this is that if you think of bureaucracy and administration, for, ever since bureaucracy
was created 5,000 years ago
when Some war Lord wanted to keep track of who's, how many
bushels of wheat he's gotten to pay his warlord mercenaries or something is that bureau has always been a serial or sequential process.
You go into an office, hand in a paper, it goes from there to another office. It goes to another office.
and
it takes a while. And That's why it takes a while for bureaucracy to process things. But once you digitize, it
becomes a
parallel process. And all things happen at once. And the example I can
give
is how
Sky Now, who was one of the designers of the system that
we have,
and , he
took a personal interest in designing something after his first kid was born.
because his kid was born. , in the famous Sian winters, which are really awful and cold and wet and miserable and dark. I mean, he had to. go and get a birth certificate. Then he had
to go and
register the kid for in the population registry, and then he had to go and get health insurance, I mean these are all steps that he had
to take
just like you were faxing
things, right?
And so he said never again. And so what happens?
So he, when we
built our big system, the little part about births goes like this, is that the hospital comes to the mother and says, What's the kid's name? It informs the population registry that this person was born at. This time the population registry assigns a number
to the person, that will be there forever.
It's not quite a social security number. It's A little more
sophisticated,
informs at the same time,
Bureau of Vital Statistics. So you
it's, which sends out a
birth. certificate informs the health insurance company, which automatically starts a health policy for the kid because the parents blah, blah, blah. And then informs the local government or the sort of the town
that
the kid will live in, because the parents are live there, uh, because the fund, part of the funding of municipal governments is from the national government.
So they wanna, and it's based on how
many people live there and
all this stuff, just happens automatically without any human intervention.
Uh, I, we can't content it. What epic loss of jobs that
simplicity
and efficiency would cause.
Well,
well, uh,
uh, , first of all I'd say that what?
people are
proud of it
and they
just cannot,
I mean, they
end up being much more proud of the country when they come and visit the US and say things
that, like you said, , well, what it has done, most importantly, it, it has eliminated something which, , basically impacts
on the
most of
the world except for the really rich countries, which
is petty corruption, which
, if you've been stationed abroad anywhere, you know
that they're all,
most
countries in the world, you get want something done.
You have to give something
to a
bureaucrat. You wanna. Whatever it is that in order
to get something done,
you have to grease the wheel. The
bureaucrat has to
get a little bit, you know,
something. We don't have that, We're one of the least corrupt countries in
the European Union these
days, even though we're a former com country,
You have the first, or not the first, but we, you know, blockchain is all the rage to talk about right now, but, but distributed Ledger is old hat to,
uh, yeah Well,
it's a slightly different form, but basically , we have, since 2008, , we have had, something called keyless, , signature Infrastructure, which is a form of blockchain, to guarantee the integrity of data. That is, that no one has changed it. If you have so much of
your data, your
laws, your regulations, your property records, all the critical databases are,
Are
on blockchain,
because,
, if you change people's data, right, Or change your healthcare,
data, suddenly someone changes
your blood type. I mean, that could be utterly fatal, right? I in any case,
People are very proud of what Estonia has when they go elsewhere because then they discover what it's like elsewhere.
But most people think
it's absolutely
normal that you
do things this way. and They
don't really understand what, what, uh, what
perspective
what they have, right? But it's
true. I mean, just as much as, uh, you know, an American will go elsewhere and find out
that maybe you
can't say, everything you want
to say in the,
in say, a totalitarian
country. Um,
but it has been, uh, it has taken a while to get there.
But again, as I was saying the positive side is you can, You can turn a country around and
do something, , and
become well off and. Happy and
okay.
Can I ask you at this point, , I'm gonna play the, the, the dumb American here, which is not a hard card for me to play.
Um,
I think, well actually, I'll let you tell me this. When you meet people on the street here in New York City or San Diego or, or even New Jersey, and they ask you where you're from
and
you say
Estonia, what's generally their, their first, , response in America
Well I
mean the first is what's that? , a little more informed. They say, Oh, you're one of the Balkan countries.
Oh geez,
And then, uh, it just goes on from there. Donald Trump said to the visiting three presidents
of my successor and the other one that, Oh, uh, don't all war start in the Balkans.
And it's,
So this is, yeah, it's, it's this
Well I mean you know, I mean I've seen studies that show kind of like the geographic knowledge of Americans, of countries outside
or or,
states, uh, I think,
uh, sometimes
is uh, challenging.
But when someone is truly interested in you, recognize that they're truly interested. How do you describe, , Estonia
a
very small country in the north of Europe, speaking a very funny language, which is related only to finish. Let me just so people
understand it
understand it.
And do you, do you point out that, it's one of only three NATO countries that actually border Russia,
which is
actually there are
more There is no there are? Yeah. Where
I am
playing the dumb American card then.
No, I mean there are currently five and will soon be, I hope, seven. But, uh, yes, we have Norway in the
north. Mm-hmm.
and then Estonia Lavia in Lithuania. Well, Sunday and left via border on, our eastern border. Lithuania has a border with, ,
the cleaning grad region on its western border. And then Poland is on the other side of the cleaning garage, so that's currently five. Of course we also should count in Belarus there because it's kind of a mere sacro of Russia is.
So
it was kind of a bad neighborhood, especially these days.
these I, uh, so I was just testing you there. I, I knew it was five, but, um, sae, that's a, that's a word.
I don't know that I know. How do we define, when you define Belarus as a centropy, what's,
occupied country I
guess, a colony A colony. Um well just, we're politically run
by,
some other country. I mean, it doesn't have to be colonized.
It can just be, you know, sort of
vishi. France was ae of Nazi Germany, for example.
To understand nato, which I find that, uh, many people, , don't, , either this side of the US side of the Atlantic or on the other side. But I mean, NATO was ultimately, , created, , in 19 48, 19 49, first as the North Atlantic, merely as the North Atlantic Treaty, which was suggested by, , Ernest Bevin, the very left wing. I should note, very left wing foreign minister of the United Kingdom when a whole slew of, of social democratic governments, so left wing governments, but anti-communists in Poland, Earth, Wild Czechoslovakia, Hungary were all taken over by Soviet cos
de in 1948. Then this raised the alarm, first of all in through Western Europe that, my God, what's, what's happening?
The Russians or the Soviets are deposing governments left and right, or mainly left. And, but even those were Democratic left wing GOs. There was, and there was a civil war in Greece and they were worried about the Finland going. And so Ernest Beman wrote this, uh, letter to Harry Truman saying that we need to create a defensive, some kind of.
Defense treaty called in North Atlantic Treaty, which came out of that when Harry Truman said, Yeah, it's a good idea. And then they quickly realized that a treaty needs an organization. So putting the O in the NATO in 1949 created what we know is nato, which included in the beginning just six countries.
, Western Europe, uh, the US, Canada, um, Iceland, Norway, I guess they were born six 12 with the original right. Uh, Belgium, Netherlands, and Italy. And not West Germany. , it's important to note that, uh, given German opposition to enlargement of nato, it's like, well, you weren't in there either
and
you enlarged twice.
First we took in, or NATO took in Germany in 1956, and then in 1991 with the reunification of Germany. I mean, the eastern part also became part of nato. , so NATO was this, uh, was the Cold War body that was there to defend Western Europe. And the most important part of NATO was Article five, the three musketeer one for all, all for one clause that says an attack on one member of NATO with an attack on all of nato. And so when communism collapsed, uh, there was this, uh, there is a, there was this push by all of the countries that were became independent again, that were remotely democratic to also be part of nato because we were the countries that have been overrun by the Soy Union slash Russia and this initiative that persists to this day since you see leading academics and political figures, both on left and right saying, Well, NATO pushed, NATO offended Russia by enlarging into these, or expanding into these countries.
Which leaves the impression is NATO is this entity that has political power and is forcing itself on countries forgetting in fact that these countries, in order to even be a member of nato, you have to be a fully democratic country with, you know, rule of law and respect for human rights and democratic elections.
And So
when you hear someone such as Professor Mi Shimer saying, Well, the war in Ukraine started because of NATO enlargement. No. I mean, these countries all wanted to join nato. And in fact, the NATO didn't make it very easy for us to join. And there was a considerable opposition to, uh, two countries like mine joining
nato. And in fact, in the case of Ukraine today, uh, it let us recall that Ukraine was, had declared its neutrality and was not interested in joining nato, but only the European Union until it was invaded this February. So that makes a huge difference. But the argument is still there, and you can get it from, you know, the far left to the middling left to Tucker Carlson, that this was all NATO's fault.
So
that's a nato. And this is what we wanted to join because it was a defensive alliance. Uh, and as I was saying, the, uh, the European Union was considered a secondary issue. I became convinced in my time in Washington and looking at what people were saying in Europe, that in and looking at the opposition to NATO enlargement, uh, to the Baltic countries, which was, uh, considerable in Italy, Germany, France, and the uk and probably Netherlands as well. Uh, that what we really need to do is join the European Union, , because if you join the European Union and or then your fellow EU members cannot veto your application to join nato, which is kind of
It's a def political move
right
Well,
I don't know how def but it was, I mean, to me it was fairly obvious.
It was not obvious to my, To the people in Estonia necessarily, or in fact, much of the region.
And so I came in as foreign minister in
1996, and I pushed
that
for the next six years basically. And
we joined the European Union. When the decision was
made, it looks like we're gonna join
the European
Union then opposition to joining nato, in fact. Did disappear.
this, what, what was the opposition, uh, at the time to
to,
nato
to, to the Baltic states joining nato?
Well, it was a, I mean, whatever the reasons, uh, they officially said but basically it was like, We don't want offend Russia.
We
really don't wanna offend
Russia.
That's where I kind of where I, was going. That's similar, , opposition to
It's always been We don't wanna offend Russia. I mean
this
is So anyway, we did
offend Russia
and get
into Naum.
what at that time, and forgive me, this is where, , my history always, , breaks down, but clearly it does not.
For you, was there any immediate repercussions from Russia at that time, despite the bluster and,
and Not
really. Uh, I mean, in fact, it, the reaction
ultimately was kind of like the reaction
uh,
Finland Putin to Finland.
Sweden is like, yeah, okay. I mean, this is why, especially this argument
that
That NATO expansion caused the war in Ukraine.
But
The biggest strategic
Earthquake since the collapse of the Berlin Wall is the complete switch.
in the
Geopolitical status
of Northern Europe, which
was extremely weak,
, I mean, it is to this day, until we
actually get these countries
in nato,
I want to draw on some of your insights here, or Ations cuz I listen to a couple of podcasts with you prior to, , the invasion.
And it turns out that a much, a bunch of the hunches you had about what was going to transpire, turned out.
Fairly accurate. , and I just wonder if, we look at Ukraine , and all the things that have transpired so far, do you have a sense of where this thing is going or, , a couple of options that are in front of us?
This seems to be the big trick right now is to sort of predict what is likely to, to change the dynamic enough that, that Putin makes a decision that's in the best interest of the world, which is seems like a big challenge. , but at the same time, balancing that, , on the, on the point of a, a very tiny needle, it seems like to potentially cause even greater havoc, at least if, if you listen to the other side of this argument.
Yeah,
it,
it's hard. I mean, we have gotten to a point where I can't really
predict anything.
rather, what I was saying over and over again was, that two, two people in , Western Europe and also the United States is that, Putin is behaving badly and we're afraid that he's going to do something and I guess the first country that actually agreed that it was looking bad was the United
States, which , in the early autumn of last year,
Was saying, Well, this, this troop buildup doesn't look very good. And In fact, we, we don't think it's as innocuous,
as they say it
is. Uh, but Western Europe until February 24th
of this year
did not believe there
would be , an invasion.
And the weekend before
the 24th, I was at the Munich Security Conference, which is
this annual conference that takes place of all the
security policy
people in government
and ,
people say, Well, it's a tense
situation, but Putin
won't inmate. He won't
inmate. No, that's not possible. And then that, was, that was
Sunday, and then the 24th was Thursday and
the war. had started.
,
but everybody,
but everybody,
said
this won't happen aside from a few kind
of weirdos
saying,
that, Wow, this doesn't really, doesn't look
very good
And we are afraid that he
will. What that was, uh, kind of example of is that for years, , East European
countries
had
expressed
worries and concerns
about what Russia was doing. And all that time, West
Europeans dismissed our concerns. And it's
not only our concerns, but in fact, , acted as Russia hadn't.
done anything. So we can
begin with the 2008 Georgian War where they in fact, invaded and still occupy a
big part of the country. And what, what happened with that? Well, there were, there were some minor sanctions, but other than that, everyone went back to business. as Usual
European
Union almost immediately
went back to
business as usual. Basically took six
weeks.
Uh, the US
then
began its
reset policy as if basically the occupation, military invasion and occupation a country was just, well too
bad.
Go up to 2014, same thing.
, not much of
a reaction. Some minor sanctions were slapped
on Russia. ,
the next year
Germany signed
the North Street and two agreements, sort of massive
Dependence upon Russia,
which
from which we are currently suffering in Europe for
its, for its energy.
And
then throughout, up to the present or up to 2022 February, it was a, let's not really
do anything.
I mean, Russia let them be. and I would even say it went further than February 24th. ,
it was really
the, the sea change, I think in a lot of places,
Especially that really angered East Europeans was the discovery of what they were doing in Bcha, which was a,
because for us it was exactly what they did to us in the 1940s.
Just mass murders of civilians torture, mass rapes. , and these are
the kind of things.
which, you know, first of all, we
ourselves, but all our other countries had, you know, that was the past. That was a horrible thing that happened the past. Forget it it's now. It's different.
And then I
remember getting a phone call from one of our techies,
and he had, he called me up and he said, You know, I'm really horrified by what's going on. Uh, I was one of the people who said, you know, things are all different and we really need to have good relations with the Russians. And, that no things are no longer the way they were. But, uh, I read the
news from Bcha and basically
that's what happened to my grandfather.
He
was just the
ordinary
citizen who was,
,
on a village
council
but he
was rounded up and, there was a ma Mass murder massacre, where
they just machine
guns several hundred people
, in a
Town in Estonia. And that cha, I mean, he said that, you know, it didn't, it's back to what it was
And the, and the
fears that the older generation had for all these years turns out to
have been, , justified.
Why does it seem so hard for the west to learn this lesson? What, what is it about the way that we. Lack an understanding of Russia or lack and understanding of Putin that allows us to have to relearn. This lesson over and over again.
Well,
I think there are a number of
reasons why the West
doesn't understand, for one.
,
generally the victims
of Russia have been kind of far away.
Neville Chamberlain said about
the
Munich, , appeasement negotiation about why when the Nazis demanded and got
the dismemberment of
Czechoslovakia, it's a far away place.
about which we know little,
and that's kind of
Has to do with the geographic knowledge
of Americans and Western Europeans there. I would say that's one thing.
just not knowing much. Secondly, I think there
has been since the
18th century, I mean it's
a long
term
problem of sort of Western
Europe looking down on Eastern Europe as being
kind of secondary
And that was exhibited a
number of times by in various politicians And when I was in various offices.
while you're an Eastern European and blah, blah blah, it'll take you as seriously.
, and then of course there's the mercantile side of things. Um,
I mean, just yesterday the
head of BA sf,
the largest
chemical company in the world was saying, Well, yeah, yeah, I mean, I know the Russians, but actually we need gas in order for our company.
to do Well,
and we see this with Ola Schultz, the
Chancellor of Germany going off to China, but choosing not to really talk about a lot of the problems that China has in terms of human rights.
For me, the personal, I mean, not almost personal, but I mean, what happened with Estonia was in 2007, we
had these massive cyber
attacks, uh,
called
distributed denial of service
or DDoS attacks directed at the uh, entire country.
No breaches occurred, but the country was shut down. because already then was very digital.
And so things didn't work.
This is widely held to be the first use of
Right Well I mean I, I say well, it's really the first time
you
can talk about
cyber war.
because if
you take
fun.
clause, it's the definition of war as the continuation
of policy by other means. This was
actually, you know, the first time you actually used it
against the country before that. I mean, they
breached the d o d or
the Department of defense or
the US
Congress or
something.
But they never
I mean, breaches generally mean stealing information, not letting anyone
know about it.
This was like, w we are stomping on Europe.
you Yeah Political objective the Yeah.
Yeah And uh, so when we went to nato, I mean, there
was these
more mercantile countries basically were saying, Oh, you're just being raso phobic. You have no proof
Which in the
sense proof
in the
cyber world and attribution is
somewhat different.
But basically you had countries that couldn't tell the difference
between the PC and the toaster oven telling us
that we didn't know what we were talking about apriori
I mean uh
so I think this brings us back to deterrent. And if we look at the totality of what's happening, it strikes me that deterrence might be working the It's intended to and if so, then why not? Let Ukraine. Just go on winning a bit longer and strengthen their hand. At the negotiating table, but it seems like the calmer voice who are cautioning this, aren't really finding many people to listen to them. It seems that folks are wanting to relearn.
The lesson again. That. Russia, can't be given an inch or to take a mile. So why, why do we find ourselves failing to listen? Yet again to folks who've watched this happen so many times before.
So that's a . Long term problem. They still don't.
listen very much. And,
, and the kind of discussions that you
see, even among serious intellectuals is if defending Ukraine
makes you a
war, mongerer, , not negotiating with a country
that refuses to negotiate anyway, makes you a
war monger.
The pressures on Ukraine
to make a
deal
with Putin and the number of articles that have
been arguing for this in the past week or two get me worried. Because basically a, when you negotiate with Russia, the negotiation, is what's, uh, what's mine is mine. What's yours is up for discuss. Basically
you would be rewarding aggression if you were to
right now go and negotiate.
because basically
the whole premise of the postwar
were two eras that
you do not,
re, that aggression is not allowed.
And basically what you're saying is, Okay, we'll talk to you because you have now invaded this country and we're
gonna talk about, what you get out of
it.
This is
highly dangerous
and in effect, what it means is that if there's any kind of land for peace agreement, okay, you've invaded this much, we'll let you have that.
The problem is that what we've seen is that those areas are ethnically cleansed. Men are killed, women raped, massive repressions.
We know that up to 9,000 children have been kidnapped from their parents,
in these eight months.
It's a recipe for disaster, but people who are, I
mean, who have occupied
high positions in US governments
have argued
for this position
for doing something like, this. and I, I cannot believe that there's so little knowledge of what this would entail at the current moment.
I think it's one of the issues , is other than , the nuclear threat right now, which I think has been just well discussed, so we maybe don't need to unpack that again. But you are widely recognized as a cyber expert or at least cyber expert when it comes to defending nation states from cyber attacks.
You,
had
the, the NATO Center of Excellence for cyber, , in your country. One of the questions is, this is a little more tactical that I wanted to, to ask you as, as we talk about Russia saber rattling, but then not actually following through, which seems to be, uh, a pretty good indicator that deterrence does have, , viability in these circumstances.
Can you offer any ideas or insight about why Russia has not used, uh, in a wider way, their cyber weapons that everybody talked about prior to the war? I mean, obviously there's been some, some attacks in Ukraine and they're not great, but there haven't, hasn't
widespread
Actually, I have to, This is, this is the misconception
they have and they do.
The problem
is we are
much
better at
mitigating these attacks.
Um, but be world
The
west I mean The countries that they're attacking, , Ukraine, my country, we're under 24 7
attack
all the time. Far stronger than
anything that we experience in
2007, but we
basically
mitigate
those attacks. We're using various, uh,
various
mechanisms and means to Stay safe. so.
uh, I mean there was, I remember reading this article, the
dog that didn't bark, cyber attacks well, actually, the, the,
I mean,
there are a lot of
dogs.
There are a lot of dogs barking all the time. A perfect case
of this, of the use of
cyber for political ends was
within the hour that the finished parliament voted
to
support the government
proposal to apply to join nato,
Massive DDoS attacks started except they
were ready for it.
So, I mean, there are
various, ways, various ways
to mitigate attacks
like that. A DDoS attack is basically overload
servers So nothing works, which is what we experience
in 2007,
But these, these are going
on all the
time.
So,
you
feel like, the weapons that we've been warned about don't have the same teeth, not necessarily DDoS but, I think people, the lay person who doesn't understand this would think we're talking about, these weapons that could pull an electricity grid off the network or, explode a gas plant remotely.
And those don't seem to be effective either. , is your sense at this point that they're just not
Oh well
were made out to be?
Well, I don't know about other, countries In my country, we are
constantly monitoring
all aspects.
of our critical infrastructure
For
digital vulnerabilities
and
for
attacks.
But , when it comes
to digital
attacks, I mean
there were
some very successful ones,
which if you don't think
about it, it,
if you don't
really plan for it.
it can be devastating. One of
the best ever cyber weapons was stucks net
Which was
actually
I mean,
not Russia It was not, Yeah, it
was
not Russia, it was some other country. That's very good. In digital warfare, uh,
you can do a lot of damage.
I mean, a Stucks net was extremely sophisticated. It was, I don't think your listers want to hear about
why it was so sophisticated, but it was so sophisticated. There have been all kinds of other things that have done huge damage. not Petya was a worm that
basically.
just destroyed
Huge
amount or
locked up huge amounts of data
and in the, which moved
from its intended target,
which was
only Ukraine to around the world. The world's the largest, sec, second largest
shipping
company.
Ma I thought, lost like 3 billion or something.
So these things
can do a lot of damage, , and there's with always these weapons. , the decision has not been made to use the most damaging, but where we need, what we need to be thinking about in this world is, , that the nature of warfare has changed uh, warfare, , I always think of . one of the early scenes in 2001,
of space, uh,
Odyssey is when
this,
uh, pre hoed half ape discovers that using a tool a.
bone, he can kill someone
And
then this
is kind of like
this big moment in human history.
when, uh, you can
use a tool to kill your own species. Well, all of that too, Basically the two
thousands has always been using kinetic energy.
All of that warfare comes down to Newton's second law.
Force equals mass times acceleration now and acceleration is
distance
divided by time.
squared. Now when you
look at the digital realm, there is no mass,
there is distance
on earth at least is irrelevant.
because
Cyber attacks move at the speed of light and time.
also is, becomes irrelevant.
And so this means that unlike nato,
or any other
kind of
geopolitical organization, which is based on geography, ,
Thailand,
the capital, Estonia, Torino, Toronto, Topeka, Tokyo, Taipei,
they're all equidistant and you can attack them all at the same time basically. And organizations
as useful as they ares, such as nato, it's
called the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization for a reason.
It's because . that's the area. It covers
And the reason,
when
NATOs for warfare, depending on
things such as bomber range, fighter
refueling, troop transport, I mean, all kinds of logistical issues where the Russians are falling apart today.
But anyway,
, it
requires.
mass and distance and
time
Today, we don't have
that, that
does not need
to be the case
at all. Yeah. And
so we have to think in terms of,
beyond borders, especially when the people attacking don't worry about borders. There are two big,
hacking
groups in Russia that have attacked, , the United States, but they've also attacked elsewhere. One is called a p t 28, the other one, a 29, I think this is CIA kind of term for them. But they have all other kinds of names as well. Fancy Bear, Cozy Bear. Two groups , have basically attacked D O D
The
State Department, The US Congress, but they've also attacked the German parliament, the Bundestag, the
various German
think tanks.
They've attacked the foreign ministries of the Netherlands and Denmark and
Italy, and
who knows what else they've attacked. They have also attacked wa,
which is
the World Antidoping Agency, which is
you think would
not be a sort of a defense or
,
unless you're unless you're, offended, like Russia is about their
right You're They're offended
by the fact that they have information that Russia is
as
a state, doping. It's,
it's athletes. But the main lesson to get outta that is borders don't matter anymore. So we have to think about a world in which borders don't matter anymore in terms of our defense, or we should to think more broadly than we have right now.
The only cross-border, serious cross-border work on, cyber defense is, , between five English speaking countries, uh, New Zealand Australia, US, Canada, and the uk. And It's called the Five Eyes. But in fact, we should be looking at the entire sort of liberal democratic world, which
begins in Eastern
Europe
and then
cuts across Western Europe to the United States, Canada, and out to Japan, South Korea,
, Type A or just Taiwan.
and in fact, it could include other countries that are sufficiently advanced digitally, but also are
Democratic So I mean, I think
of a country like Uruguay,
which is
Probably
, the one country in,
Latin America,
which has been a long term democratic.
society with
highly developed,
digital realm. I mean, there are other countries, so we don't have
to think
that
geographically. But on the other hand, when you
have adversaries that are moving very quickly in the realm of cyber and digital matters, against liberal democracies, as Russia has, as China has, , we need to think that, okay, they don't like us because
liberal democracy,
and
free and fair elections.
, maybe we should sort of talk to other countries that they don't like because they have human rights and free and fair elections. And I think that's a challenge we have to,
Deal with, , because alone, we're not gonna be.
able to face it
, I'm worried mainly about, , China because Russia can do a lot of destructive
damage if they
want, but in the long term, they are not a, permanent threat.
They're 140 million people and
you know, between, I mean when we look at the liberal
democracies of the West then,
then, The
manza of the Russians
in
terms we're
gonna take
over the world and we'll make
them do this and do
that
And doing
it with an economy that's the size of Italy. It's not really realistic. , but China is a country that,
, many of
us had lots of hopes for, but in fact
is 1.3 billion
and
and mo developing very quickly
and is ahead.
of All of the west in certain areas we think
or we
suspect such as artificial intelligence and quantum.
computing.
And unless we in the liberal democratic world, start thinking, about our common defense in, in the non-kinetic realm that I've been talking about,
I think we'll be in trouble.
. I think Russia has done us a number of disservices, obviously during this conflict, but one of In particular, I think is that they have distracted us from what is a greater strategic threat. And that is namely China and the government And what they're doing as a strategic adversary, especially in the realm of technology and attempting to out compete us and.
Becoming a more and more autocratic government. And I just think this is a longer-term threat, but yet we are not able to focus on it the way that we should right now.
we need to get, uh, people thinking in these terms far more and than they have been. And just looking at
the direction that Europe
is going in.
Or you have to look at the CHIPS act. we need to get much more, , serious about it, like-minded nation basically, because they're 1.3 billion Chinese. You take the eu, the us, Japan, South Korea, Oceania, we're kind of balanced
already for talent but it's going to be a long haul, as long as, the immediate problem of Russia is the way it is.
And the problem with China is that it does, it really rejects the, the basis of, well all of the development that's taken place in the world in the past , and their whole approach is like, well, look, we can be totally authoritarian, also do all kinds of wonders in tech. And they are I mean they have seriously believe in their competitive advantage,
which they have in the sense of if you're an authoritarian regime, you just say, Now we do this.
If you do the right thing, it can be very successful cuz you can turn on a dime if you do the wrong thing as Russia has done for the past hundred years. Just leaves to disaster as this war in Ukraine is showing.
One of those, , hopes that I have for Ukraine. Obviously there's gonna be a massive amount of rebuilding to do whenever we can get to doing it and, Estonia has certainly already given a roadmap of how that might be done
well, certainly is very heavily involved right now , with Ukraine in this regard as well.
, but Ukraine
actually
is very, very good.
And while
we may have one of the most advanced Digital
governance systems, we are so impressed by what they have at the front end, the user interface that we're going to take over their user interface
for our
digital government.
I mean, they have been taking over and adopting our methods for the internal operation, workings
of digital
governance, but they were so good on,
How
to do the
user interface which you can look it up. It's called dia D I I a.ua. One of the things
that people
have to get over
is that in fact,
one of those East European countries
actually might
have something to offer and in fact, you know it's a better user interface experience than you get with most websites.
I've seen.
You talked a lot about liberal democracies and free and fair elections We're recording this just before the midterm elections in the United States, , and this is a topic that I think gives many Americans right now.
And so I would love to just hear your brief. Comments on, you know, given that you, you grew up a good bit here in the United States, but I think you identify yourself as, as Morian and Eastern European now. So the perspective you have here is very unique. Looking ahead a couple of days here to the election and then thinking about what will likely be on the other side of that, what kind of thoughts do you have where America sits right now and it's
I think precarious moment.
Well, it,
it's, it's actually complex. I mean, I've always been an East European slash est, but I've also looked upon the United States precisely as that kind of
win and shining city on a
hill. Why are my parents here? Because uh, were, did they come here?
because they were
escaping
from basically the
Nazis and the
coms? And why did they
come here from Western Europe? Because they really wanted to be in a country that was a democracy. I mean, they were, they were
young when they came when they fled. But I mean, the, for the world, the United States has been that,
beacon, right? and regardless of whether you're talking about John F. Kennedy or Ronald Reagan, I mean obviously there were Republicans and Democrats,
with, uh, slightly
different domestic agendas. But on the, on the world at large, there really weren't no differences in, uh, between
the parties,
really, in terms
of being out there
with
sort of defending liberty and and democracy. And now it seems that the internal divisions of in the United States have become really debilitating to the point of West not and driven people to extreme.
So it's not clear whether the United States does wanna defend democracy or human rights. And whether the values that the United States champions are those that the rest of the world has looked for, which the rest of the
world has looked up to the United States
and looking at some of what is being said by some, I do get worried because there are all kinds of, , voices
wanting to appease Russia, uh, very nasty, , views on
Countries abroad,
on, on Americans
who have a different skin color or different religion. I mean, this is not the kind, the tolerant America that I grew up in and
it's, and the
politics of.
the United States these days is scary, I would say to someone who grew up in this country
50 years ago.
ago. Yeah. I think, , scary to someone who's grown up in this country from only 40 years ago and, and looks at it today, I think. One of the great challenges is that if there are only two sides, which I think there are more than two sides, but if we divide it into two sides, both we'll sort of point to the politics and say, this looks scary, but for different reasons, which is obviously one of the complicating
factors
Right.
Well, , we've made it a habit of seemingly having extraordinarily pessimistic conversations on this podcast so far, which I think is just a testament to our time. And because of that we've tried to end, on an optimistic note. So I would love to ask you if there's anything right now as you think towards the future, and you think about what might come that can save us from all of these real challenges.
What are , the things you're optimistic about , or feel good about when you look out on the horizon?
When I look at my own life and the
the despair and the depression
of the first half of
it, when my
country was, occupied by the Soviet Union and extremely poor and backward.
And then I look where it is today, which is one
of the most digital
countries in the world with a higher rate of unicorns per capita than any other country in the
world We one for
every 130,000
people. which is just amazing Wow That's amazing.
I go, Well,
no matter
how bad it is, , as long as you're alive, ultimately you can crawl out of the,
the morass, uh, the slew of
the spawn.
, I mean, up until the middle of the 1980s, it looked utterly hopeless. I mean, it was
like, how can this continue?
How can
this exist?
And we of course in the West we had all of our illusions about the strength of the Soviet Union. I'm hoping we are in a
similar
moment now
People
are really
sort of, uh, cowed by the Soviet Union thinking it was this enormous, you know, big, horrible thread. And then it
was, it turned
out it
was so brittle
and so backward, it just kind of collapsed. And even the CIA didn't get it
right. I mean it
Yeah
And so I'm hoping that, this once again will happen one way or another, that in fact it turns,
out that,
you know, we were all worried, but
at the last moment, the good guys with the, uh, white cowboy hats come riding.
in and we end up
having democracy again, and all of this stuff that's going on across
the, the west
today will kind of peter out and we'll be back to
, having a
clear moral vision of what is right and what is wrong.
What? Well, I'm very hopeful. I can't imagine anybody that would listen
to what you just said and not be on board with that.
, thank you very much for your time here today. This has been a fascinating conversation and, and your insights I think are as critical today as they have ever been, and we're, we're grateful to have heard them and spent this time with you.
Yeah, It's great to be here. Thank you.