Political Theories Explained: Far-Left to Far-Right

In this episode, I take a deep dive into the political spectrum — from the far-left to the far-right — and explain what the most common political theories and labels really mean. I unpack the core ideas behind political theories such as communism, socialism, conservatism, fascism, and more, while clarifying how they differ and why they’re often misunderstood political labels.

I also explore the nuances of centre-left, centrist, and centre-right political ideologies, showing where libertarian and authoritarian ideas fit on the spectrum. By the end of this episode, you will know how to talk about the different types of government that exist, you will be confident in articulating your political beliefs, and more importantly; you will know why and how your political beliefs may differ to others.

If you want to sound more informed when talking about politics, or you want to figure out new ways of getting under your relatives' skin this festive season, then this is the episode for you.

Transcript

Welcome to the Perspicacious Perspective.

Have you ever wondered why there’s so many immigrants in the UK?

Have you ever wondered why it feels like you’re in another country when you visit some areas of England and Wales?

I have and I’m from here- which is why I decided to do an episode on immigration in the UK.

I’m gonna focus on England and Wales as the data seems divided in the UK between England and Wales as one data point; Scotland as another data point; and Northern Ireland as another separate data point. 

I’ll tell you briefly what the demographics are in Scotland and Northern Ireland at the end of this episode; and you can probably extrapolate with the data I tell you about England and Wales anyway; as it’s not too different.

Let’s start with India. Indians make up the largest percentage of foreign-born migrants in England and Wales. England and Wales have a combined population of about 62 million people. Indians only make up about 1.5% of the population in England and Wales- that’s around 920,000 Indians. 

You’ll find most Indians in Leicester, where 6.6% of the Indian population reside; Birmingham, where 4.6% of the Indian population reside; Harrow (which is a part of London), where 4.5% of the Indian population reside; Brent (which is another part of London), where about 4.2% of the Indian population reside; and Ealing (another part of London), which is where about 4% of the Indian population reside.

Indians started migrating to the UK before India gained independence from the British Raj in 1947. By 1932, about 7000 Indians had settled in the UK. The early Indian migration was mainly driven by trade, education, and employment opportunities within the British Raj at the time.

After India gained independence in 1947, the British government encouraged migration from Commonwealth countries, including India, to fill roles in sectors like textiles, manufacturing, and healthcare.

The Commonwealth countries that the UK encouraged migration from to support the labour shortage after WWII include India, Pakistan, Bangladesh; Caribbean nations including Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Guyana, and other West Indies Islands; African British colonies including Kenya, Uganda and South Africa; and other Asian nations in the Commonwealth including Malaysia and Singapore.

The British Nationality Act 1948 made all Commonwealth citizens British subjects with the right to live and work in the UK. This was the legal basis that enabled mass migration from India, and the other Commonwealth nations. Many Indians migrated to the UK to seek better economic prospects. 

From the 1950s-1970s, Indian migration was predominantly male, with most of them seeking temporary employment and by 1961, the Indian-origin population in the UK had grown to about 100,000. From 1980s-1990s, family reunification policies led to an increase in female and child migrants, which contributed to community growth within Indian diasporas. From year 2000 to the 2010s, skilled migration surged, with professionals in IT, healthcare, and engineering moving to the UK. And since 2020, data has actually shown there’s been a decline in student visas from India, with an 11% drop in the year ending June 2025.

Let’s move on to the Poles, who make up the second largest percentage of foreign-born migrants living in England and Wales. Now the Poles are a bit different since they were not part of the British Commonwealth. The first large-scale Polish migration came during and after the Second World War since around 200,000 Polish troops fought alongside the Allies. Many chose to remain in Britain after 1945 rather than return to Soviet-dominated Poland. 

The Polish Resettlement Act 1947 was the first ever UK immigration law of its kind, passed specifically to allow Polish servicemen and their families to settle in the UK. This led to the establishment of long-lasting Polish communities living within the UK borders.

After the initial resettlement, Polish immigration slowed significantly. Poland was under Communist rule from 1947 to 1989, which limited outward migration at the time. The diaspora remained stable, but they were sustained mainly by the descendants of wartime settlers and a trickle of refugees and Polish dissidents. With the fall of Communism in 1989, more Poles began to leave the country, however, immigration to the UK was still restricted through visa requirements and quotas. Migration during this period was modest but rising. Polish migrants were often students, seasonal workers, or professionals.

The biggest wave of Polish migration came after Poland joined the European Union in May 2004. The UK (alongside Ireland and Sweden) was one of only three European Union states that immediately opened its labour market to new Eastern European members.

Hundreds of thousands of Poles migrated for work opportunities, especially in construction, agriculture, hospitality, healthcare, and services. Between 2004 and 2011, the Polish-born population in the UK quadrupled. By the 2011 Census, Poland had become the second most common country of birth for UK residents, after India.

After the Brexit referendum in 2016, migration slowed sharply. The value of the pound fell, making UK wages less attractive to the Poles. Uncertainty about legal status discouraged many Poles from emigrating to the UK. The Office for National Statistics data shows that since 2017, the Polish-born population in the UK has been shrinking, with many returning to Poland or moving elsewhere in the European Union.

So where can you find most Poles in the UK?

You can find most Poles in London – especially Ealing, Hammersmith, Hounslow, and Haringey. The West Midlands – including Birmingham, Wolverhampton and Coventry. The North West– including Manchester and Liverpool. The South East– including Luton, Slough, and Reading. Large communities of Poles can be found in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire due to agricultural and food-processing work. And London and other counties surrounding London also saw Polish Catholic parishes, cultural centres, and schools established after WWII.

As of the 2021 Census in England & Wales: 743,000 Polish-born residents live in England & Wales which make up 1.2% of the population.

So what about the Pakistanis?

Pakistanis make up 1% of the population in England and Wales- that’s about 624,000 Pakistanis living in England and Wales.

So the Pakistanis started to immigrate to England and Wales from the mid- to late-1950s through the 1960s. They were recruited into mills, foundries (which are where metal castings are produced) and transport during Britain’s post-WWII labour shortages. That triggered the first big wave of Pakistani migrants. 

After the British Nationality Act 1948 granted the legal right of entry for work as Commonwealth citizens, it treated them as British subjects who were able to settle and work in the UK. There was recruitment to fill shortages in textiles- particularly in Lancashire and Yorkshire- engineering and car plants- mainly in the West Midlands; and they were recruited into transport then later the NHS- which is the health service in the UK.

The Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 was the first time the British government aimed to impose controls on immigration from the Commonwealth countries. Once the Act came into effect on the 1st July 1962, Commonwealth citizens no longer had free entry. They could only come if they held a government-issued employment voucher. The three categories of vouchers included Category A: these were job-specific vouchers- these vouchers were granted to applicants who already had a specific job offer in Britain so could legally live and work in the UK. Category B: these were vouchers for skilled workers without a job offer. This was for those with skills judged to be in shortage in the UK for example nurses or certain trades. These applicants didn’t need a confirmed job beforehand, but had to prove their qualifications and/or experience. They had a legal right for entry to work, but only if the Ministry of Labour assessed that their skill was in demand. And Category C was for unskilled workers- or workers considered as general labourers. These were the most heavily restricted as the government set a small annual quota which was initially 8,500 per year across the entire Commonwealth. Category C vouchers were distributed on a first-come, first-served basis. They also had a legal right for entry to work, but opportunities were fewer and highly rationed. 

A “beat-the-ban” surge occurred in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as many Pakistanis migrated before restrictions took effect. After 1962, single men who had settled began to sponsor wives and children to join them under family reunification rights. This fundamentally shifted the nature of Pakistani communities from male labour enclaves to family-based, permanent settlements.

The Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968 was introduced as a tightening amendment to the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act. It was triggered by political alarm at migration surges — especially Kenyan Asians who were often of Indian and Pakistani origin who, after being stripped of rights in Kenya, sought to enter the UK as Commonwealth citizens.

The new requirement was that Commonwealth immigrants had to prove they had a “close connection” to the UK; meaning they were related to a parent or grandparent born, adopted, or naturalised in Britain already.

For Pakistanis, this meant the door to primary labour migration narrowed even further however, dependants (including spouses and children) still had a legal right to join family already in the UK. This resulted in family reunification overtaking labour migration as the dominant mode of entry for Pakistanis.

The Immigration Act 1971 created the legal distinction between those with the “right of abode” who were mainly UK-born and or had parents born in the UK, and those without the “right of abode” which at this point included most Commonwealth citizens, including Pakistanis. It introduced the concept of “patriality” — meaning only those with strong ancestral ties to Britain had unrestricted entry rights. Others now required visas or work permits. This basically ended the large-scale economic migration from Pakistan. It cemented the permanent settlement of Pakistani-origin communities already established, as they focused on bringing over remaining family members before the rules tightened even further.

So you can find the largest Pakistani diasporas in Bradford- which is part of West Yorkshire; Birmingham- which is part of the West Midlands; Manchester and Greater Manchester- particularly Oldham, Rochdale and Bolton; London- particularly in the east and north-east of London; and you can find large Pakistani communities in places like Leeds, Luton and Slough.

Let’s move onto the 4th largest foreign-born population in England and Wales; the Romanians. Romanians make up 0.9% of the total population in England and Wales according to the 2021 Census- that’s about 539,000 Romanians.

Before 1989- which was the year that the communist dictator and his wife were executed after 40 years of Communist rule during the Romanian Revolution- very few Romanians migrated to the UK. Travel was heavily restricted by the communist regime. Some asylum seekers and political dissidents did arrive, but the numbers were small.

After the fall of the communist dictator, Romania opened up. Britain received small but growing inflows of Romanians, mostly students, professionals, and asylum seekers (especially in the early/mid-1990s during economic hardship in Romania).

In the 2000s, numbers grew more substantially after Romania signed its European Union accession treaty in 2005. The UK (alongside other states) imposed transitional controls on Romanian and Bulgarian workers, limiting legal access to the labour market until January 2014.

From 2014, the lifting of restrictions marked the real take-off of “mass” migration. Between 2014–2019, Romanians became one of the fastest-growing immigrant groups in the UK, with the Romanian-born population rising from 80,000 to over 400,000 by 2019.

After Brexit, free movement ended. New arrivals dropped, but many Romanians had already secured residence rights under the European Union Settlement Scheme. By 2022, over 1.3 million Romanians had applied to stay in the UK (not all in England & Wales, but the vast majority of them were).

The Romanians immigrated to the UK due to high unemployment, low wages, and rural poverty after communism. Formal accession into the European Union in 2007 and especially the end of UK labour restrictions in 2014 opened up free movement for work. The work opportunities in the UK were in agriculture, construction, hospitality, social care and logistics. Many were recruited through labour agencies and early Romanian migrants created networks that encouraged further arrivals.

You’ll find most Romanians in London- especially in Harrow, Brent, Newham, and Barking and Dagenham; high numbers of seasonal/temporary agricultural workers in Cambridgeshire, Lincolnshire and Norfolk; the West Midlands- particularly Birmingham; and the North West- particularly Manchester.

Now the Roma are an ethnic minority who originate from Northern India who migrated into Europe about 1,000 years ago. They live across Europe, with large populations in Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Balkans. Many Roma identify as Romanian and Non-Government Organisations like the Roma Support Group estimate that 20-30% of Romanians in the UK may be from the Roma ethnicity. Between 8-12% of the Romanian population are from the Roma ethnicity which is important, as many people confound the Roma community as quintessentially Romanian which is untrue- as the Roma are an ethnic minority in Romania.

The 5th largest foreign-born population in England and Wales are the Irish who make up 0.7% of the population in England and Wales- that’s around 423,000 Irish people.

The first large-scale Irish migration to England and Wales began during the Great Famine in the 19th century between 1845 and 1852. Hundreds of thousands fled starvation and poverty, settling in cities like Liverpool, Manchester, London and Cardiff. By 1861, Irish-born people were already over 3% of England and Wales’ population.

By the early 20th century, migration remained steady, especially during Ireland’s poverty-stricken years and the political upheaval surrounding Irish independence in 1921- which was when Ireland became a self-governing Dominion within the British Empire (like Canada or Australia at the time).

The Irish began immigrating to England and Wales after WWII.

Irish citizens had a unique advantage: under the Ireland Act 1949, people from the Republic of Ireland were not treated as aliens in the UK. They retained the right to live and work freely (like Commonwealth citizens). This resulted in tens of thousands of Irish men and women migrating annually to Britain for construction, transport, nursing, and domestic service jobs. In the 1950s alone, about half a million people moved from Ireland to Britain.

In the 60s, migration from Ireland was still pretty high. Irish workers were crucial to Britain’s building boom, hospital system, and public services. By the 1961 Census, there were nearly 1 million Irish-born residents in England and Wales. This was one of the largest foreign-born groups in the country.

In the 70s and 80s, numbers slowed slightly as Ireland’s economy improved in the 1970s, but emigration surged again in the 1980s recession. Many young Irish left to escape unemployment, with England (especially London and the Midlands) as a prime destination.

By the 90s, emigration from Ireland fell dramatically during the Celtic Tiger economic boom- which laster from the mid-1990s to 2008. The “Celtic Tiger” refers to the period of rapid economic growth in the Republic of Ireland from the mid-1990s to the late 2000s. For the first time, Ireland became a net immigration country.

Many Irish in Britain began to “settle permanently” rather than treat their stay as temporary work migration.

From year 2000 to 2020, migration flows from Ireland became much smaller compared to the mid-20th century. There was some uptick after the 2008 financial crash, but nothing like the mass exodus of earlier decades. Irish citizens still enjoy the Common Travel Area with the UK, meaning they can live and work without visas, unaffected by Brexit.

You’ll find most of the Irish in Manchester and Liverpool- which is often described as “the most Irish city in England,” with strong cultural links dating back to famine migration; London- especially in Kilburn, Cricklewood, Camden and parts of West London; the West Midlands- since Birmingham and Coventry became hubs for Irish workers in construction and car manufacturing; and South Wales- as Cardiff and Newport attracted many Irish migrants in earlier waves, especially during industrial expansion.

The Italians make up 0.6% of England and Wales. Small numbers of Italians came to London as street musicians, craftsmen, and ice-cream vendors in the 19th century- especially in a town called Clerkenwell- as it was locally known as “Little Italy” at the time.

By the late 19th and early 20th century, migration increased due to poverty in rural southern Italy. Italians often worked in food trades (including restaurants, cafés, and ice cream parlours).

By 1911, there were about 20,000 Italians in Britain- most of them were in London, Manchester, and Cardiff.

In 1946- after WWII- the UK and Italy signed a bilateral labour agreement allowing Italian workers to come for mining, brickmaking, and agriculture jobs. Thousands of young Italian men arrived under this scheme.

In the 1950’s and 60s, Italian workers also moved into construction, catering, and especially cafés and restaurant businesses, many of which became family enterprises. Migration from Italy peaked in the 1950s–60s. By the mid-1960s, Italians were one of the largest non-Commonwealth European groups in England and Wales.

In the 70s and 80s, Italy’s economy improved dramatically during the postwar “Italian economic miracle” which refers to the period of extraordinary economic growth in Italy between the early 1950s and late 1960s. As a result, large-scale emigration slowed down. Many Italians in Britain had by then settled permanently, raising second and third generations.

From the 90s to the early 2000s, with Euorpean Union free movement, there was a smaller new wave of young Italians seeking jobs and education in the UK, especially in London. The 2008 financial crisis in Italy encouraged some professionals and students to move to Britain, though not in the same “mass” numbers as earlier generations.

You’ll find most Italians living in England and Wales in London- as Clerkenwell is still referred to as “Little Italy” today- as well as other areas of London such as Camden and Islington; Manchester – with a strong Italian community linked to catering and hospitality trades; Cardiff & South Wales – with many Italian families running cafés, ice cream shops, and small businesses; and Bedfordshire & Hertfordshire – with clusters linked to brickmaking jobs after WWII.

The Bangladeshis also make up 0.6% of the population of England and Wales. 

So Bangladesh was part of British India until 1947, then East Pakistan until 1971- when Bangladesh gained their independence. People from Bangladesh were Commonwealth citizens under the British Nationality Act 1948, meaning they could migrate to the UK for work.

The Bangladeshis had a similar trajectory to that of Pakistani migration to England and Wales.

In the 1950s and 60s, early migration began from Sylhet (which is part of northeast Bangladesh). The labour shortages in post-war Britain meant that the UK encouraged Commonwealth citizens to fill unskilled labour roles. The Bangladeshis filled jobs in textiles, shipping, and catering. Like the Pakistanis, initial migrants were often young men, leaving families behind in Bangladesh.

After Bangladesh gained independence from Pakistan after a bloody war in 1971, migration surged due to political instability and war-related displacement. The earlier Sylheti men sponsored wives and children to join them in England and Wales. From the 1970s to the1980s, many Bangladeshis settled permanently, especially in London’s East End, which became the hub of the Bangladeshi community.

In the 80s and 90s, immigration slowed somewhat due to the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts, 1962 & 1968, and Immigration Act 1971). Growth continued mainly through family reunification and natural increase rather than primary labour migration. Communities became multi-generational, with established businesses (particularly in restaurants, retail, and textiles).

You’ll find most Bangladeshi communities in London- which is overwhelmingly concentrated in Tower Hamlets (which includes Bethnal Green, Whitechapel and Shadwell), with Tower Hamlets having over 30% Bangladeshi-born residents in some wards; other areas in London- such as Hackney, Newham, Redbridge, and Brent; and smaller Bangladeshi communities can be found in Birmingham, Leicester, Manchester, and Bradford.

The Nigerians make up 0.4% of England and Wales according to the 2021 Census. A small Nigerian presence existed in Britain before the war — mainly students, professionals, and colonial subjects linked to administration and trade. London and Liverpool had tiny Nigerian student and seafaring communities.

After the British Nationality Act 1948 made all Commonwealth citizens “Citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies,” granting them the right to live and work in Britain- post-war labour shortages encouraged Commonwealth migration. Nigeria’s elite often sent students to Britain (especially London, Manchester, and Birmingham). Between the 1950s– and early 1960s, migration from Nigeria included mostly students, nurses, and professionals.

After Nigerian gained independence in 1960, Nigerians retained Commonwealth mobility rights.

The first large wave of Nigerian immigration to England and Wales was between the 60s and 70s, when labour migration increased, particularly into health and public services.

Just like for the Indians and Pakistanis, the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 & 1968: tightened entry into England and Wales. Nigerians (like other Commonwealth migrants) rushed to “beat the ban.” Family reunification became important after restrictions.

The Nigerian Civil War between 1967 and 1970 meant that refugees, students, and political exiles came to Britain.

The second wave of Nigerian immigration to England and Wales was in the 80s and 90s, when there was an economic downturn in Nigeria. This was due to the oil price collapse in the 1980s, due to corruption, and the debt crisis.

Military rule and repression under regimes like Buhari (from 1983 to 1985) and Abacha (from 1993 to 1998, pushed political exiles and asylum seekers to the UK.

Britain remained a natural destination due to colonial ties, English language, and existing diaspora networks.

The third wave of immigration started from year 2000. Britain became a major destination for Nigerian students (especially in law, medicine and business). Many entered healthcare (especially nursing) and IT; and some came citing political persecution or instability.

The Office for National Statistics data shows the Nigerian-born population in England and Wales grew from 87,000 (in the 2001 Census) to 215,000 (in the 2021 Census).

You’ll find most Nigerians in London- who possess the largest Nigerian diasporas- particularly in Peckham- known as “Little Lagos”, as well as Lewisham, Hackney, Tottenham and Croydon. You’ll also find large Nigerian communities in Manchester, Birmingham and Liverpool; as well as small clusters in Cardiff and Leeds.

So just like the Nigerians; the Germans, South Africans, Chinese, Portuguese, French and Spanish all make up about 0.4% of the population in England and Wales according to the 2021 Census.

They all immigrated to England and Wales for similar reasons as the Indians, Poles, Pakistanis, Romanians, Irish, Italians and the Bangladeshis.

The difference with Germany was that the first influx of German immigrants to England and Wales after WWII was due to German war brides who married British servicemen stationed in Germany. After the UK joined the European Economic Community in 1973- which later became the European Union, more Germans were able to immigrate to England and Wales for work.

Since South Africa was also a Commonwealth country, many South Africans took advantage of this to immigrate to England and Wales for work- particularly white South Africans. Since many were already English-speaking professionals, this made it easier for them to migrate and settle in the UK. The political uncertainty during and after the Apartheid also incentivised many South Africans to emigrate to England and Wales.

Most Chinese immigrants came from Honk Kong. Being a British colony- many Chinese people took advantage of this to look for work in the UK. The handover of Honk Kong back to China in 1997 led to some uncertainty. So since then, particularly since the Umbrella Movement- which was when Hongkongers protested against the Chinese government after they decided to pre-screen candidates for Hong Kong’s Chief Executive election; and since Hongkongers protested against China for a proposed law that would allow extradition of suspects from Hong Kong to mainland China.… we’ve seen more emigration of Hongkongers to England and Wales.

We saw more immigration to England Wales from France after they joined the European Economic Community in 1973, and more immigration from Portugal and Spain after they joined in 1986. Since the Spanish didn’t deal with the global economic crisis in 2008 very well, we’ve also seen more Spanish people decide to emigrate to England and Wales for economic opportunities too.

We also have diasporas of other nationalities living in England and Wales that make up between 0.1-0.3% of the population that I don’t think I need to go through. I just wanted to clarify who made up the largest percentage of foreign-born migrants in England and Wales. 

The data seems to be a bit different in Scotland and Northern Ireland which is why I haven’t talked about it in this episode- but if you’re interested- the Poles overwhelmingly make up the largest percentage of foreign-born populations in Scotland according to the 2022 Scottish Census. You’ll also find large Indian and Pakistani communities in Scotland. In Northern Ireland, the Irish and Polish make up the largest percentages of foreign-born populations according to the 2021 Census.

So that’s the background to immigration in the UK. Labour shortages after WWII and the Commonwealth have a large part to play in why the UK looks the way it does today; not to mention the UK’s membership in the European Union; which was called the European Economic Community at the time it joined- which made it easier for other European Nationals to immigrate to the UK.

You also have to take into consideration that there are many second-generation born; and now third-generation born immigrants; who, like myself identify as British- which isn’t considered in the data. That’s why if you go to some areas in England- it might seem like there’s more immigrants than there actually are.

How well each of these nations have adapted to British culture is another question in itself- but to claim that the British government had no part to play would be completely erroneous due to the British Nationality Act 1948, the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 and 1968, and the Immigration Act 1971.

What I do believe is that each of these nations have changed British culture. The fact that it’s normal to see as many Indians, Pakistanis, Poles and Nigerians in metropolitan areas across the UK might be quite unsettling to nationalistic British people. Even if the UK became more isolationist, it wouldn’t seem quintessentially British if you ever visited the big cities.

I also don’t think the British Government were careful enough about how well each nation would integrate into British culture- particularly those coming from Pakistan and Bangladesh- since their philosophies are predicated on Islam; whose scripture possesses some incompatible tenets with British values.

What I will say is that there’s a huge difference between a foreign-born immigrant and a second or third-generation born immigrant- so to speak. The most relevant example I can give is attitudes to women and women’s rights. You’ll notice in the UK that second and third-generation immigrant females are much different to first generation immigrant females in terms of the roles in families they aspire to play. They seem to enjoy the rights that are afforded to them by British culture.

The Department for Education stipulates the fundamental British Values to be democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance of those of different faiths and beliefs. 

From what I’ve experienced, the UK does well to protect those values which are enjoyed by people like me, as I wouldn’t be granted as much individual liberty and tolerance as a gay person in Nigeria- which makes me proud to be British.

The idea that Britain is being internally conquered by Islam is also a massive catastrophising as second and third-generation Muslims seem to be becoming more British- not the inverse.

To give you an example I was chatting with a second-generation Muslim not too long ago who was telling me about his holiday abroad. I asked him if he drank any alcohol while he was on holiday. I thought it was a faux pas at first on my part until he told me that he had drunk quite a bit while he was away. I said “Aren’t you a Muslim?”. He said “Yes, I am Muslim”. I responded “I thought it was forbidden to drink alcohol in Islam”. He said “Well yeah it is, but I consider myself a cultural Muslim”. To me that sounds like a Muslim that has integrated and is enjoying the freedoms afforded to him by British culture and values. I’m not saying that Muslims turning to the drink is a good thing- I’m saying that Muslims being able to choose to drink, and to choose to identify as a cultural Muslim is a good thing- in terms of British values- as I can’t think of any Muslim country in the world that would allow people to identify as cultural Muslims- without subjecting them to harsh ramifications.

I wanted to do an episode on immigration initially that focused on the channel-crossing boats, asylum seekers and illegal immigration at first until I realised the documentation surrounding this is pretty poor. Perhaps when we have more data on this I’ll do another episode on immigration but until then, I hope that this episode will do- in giving you a better understanding of the immigration demographics in the UK.

As always, I hope you got something from this episode and subscribe if you’d like to hear more content like this.