Ep 73: History Repeats with Liam Carballal and guest Richard Acritelli P1 on hmTv

Episode 73 | History Repeats with Liam Carballal and Richard Acritelli (Part 1)

In this compelling first installment of a two-part episode of History Repeats on hmTv, host Liam Carballal sits down with historian and educator Richard Acritelli to explore the interwar years—the turbulent decades between World War I and World War II.

Together, they unpack America’s retreat into isolationism, the economic fallout of the Great Depression, the gutting of military infrastructure, and the political rise of fascist powers in Europe and Asia. From the dismantling of Camp Upton to the Bonus Army’s heartbreaking march on Washington, and from the dangerous neutrality acts to Charles Lindbergh’s controversial ties to Nazi Germany, this episode sheds light on how unprepared and unwilling the U.S. was to confront the growing global storm.

Acritelli also draws powerful parallels to today’s geopolitical climate, discussing the recurring theme of “America First” and how economic anxiety shapes foreign policy. Packed with rich historical context, firsthand military insight, and hard-hitting analysis, this episode is essential listening for anyone seeking to understand how past decisions continue to echo through our present.

Tune in to learn how history doesn’t just repeat—it warns.

Transcript

Episode 73 | History Repeats with Liam Carballal and Guest Richard Acritelli (Part 1)

Liam Carballal:
Hello and thank you for joining me today. I'm your host, Liam Carballal, and on today's episode of History Repeats on hmTv, my special guest is Richard Acritelli. Rich, thank you for joining me again. It's good to see you—how have you been?

Richard Acritelli:
Good, good. I'm all good.

Liam:
Excellent. So today I was hoping we could talk about the interwar years, especially with regard to America and how we handled the rise of fascism leading up to World War II.

Richard:
Sure. So we look into the interwar years starting from 1919. Coming out of World War I, the U.S. had one of the smallest armies among the industrialized nations. The war began in 1914, but the U.S. didn't enter until 1917 after President Woodrow Wilson had run for re-election promising, "I kept our boys out of the war." Ironically, that was a line FDR would use again in 1940.

By April 1917, just after Wilson's second inauguration, the U.S. declared war. We drafted over three million men, setting up training camps across the country—places like Camp Upton in Long Island, Camp Colt in Gettysburg where Eisenhower trained tank troops, and Fort Dix.

By late 1917 and into 1918, the U.S. forces were making real headway. If the war had lasted through 1919, we likely would’ve become the dominant Allied force, especially as the British and French were wearing down. But when the war ended in 1918, the focus immediately shifted to demobilization.

Liam:
And that meant dismantling the military?

Richard:
Exactly. By 1919, America wanted nothing more to do with European affairs. The Treaty of Versailles was a turning point. Americans were ready for what Warren G. Harding called a "return to normalcy." We entered the Roaring Twenties with cultural changes, flappers, prohibition, and isolationism.

Presidents of the time—Wilson after his stroke, Harding who died in office, and then Silent Cal Coolidge who literally napped through policy—led a retreat from global engagement. Then came Hoover, who was hit with the full weight of the Great Depression.

In the 1920s, we dramatically cut back the military. Naval treaties like the Washington Naval Treaty and Kellogg-Briand Pact aimed to make war almost illegal. But Teddy Roosevelt warned that some forms of peace were worse than war.

Liam:
So America was essentially reverting to neutrality?

Richard:
Yes. We returned to the isolationist policies dating back to Washington's presidency. By the time Eisenhower was a colonel after WWI, he and others like Patton were reduced to peacetime ranks and stagnated in promotions. Eisenhower even told his son in 1939 that he’d likely retire as a colonel. Yet they stayed, driven by patriotism and duty.

Many of these officers were from modest backgrounds—George C. Marshall, for instance. They saw military service as their calling. But there were warnings. General John J. Pershing said the Germans weren’t fully defeated and that another war could happen within 20 years.

Liam:
And yet, everything was dismantled?

Richard:
Overnight, places like Camp Upton became ghost towns. The military was gutted across the board. War is expensive. After every major war, you see economies reeling from the cost. During the 1920s, nobody wanted more government spending, so federal, state, and local governments passed off responsibility. If it couldn’t be funded locally, it just didn’t happen.

We also relied heavily on our geographic protection—two oceans and a strong navy. But once the Great Depression hit, everything worsened. The military was training with beer cans and outdated, unsafe equipment. I served in the '90s, and even then we trained with Cold War leftovers.

Liam:
What about foreign policy impacts?

Richard:
The military always suffers during the interwar years. Look at the Spanish-American War—soldiers were issued rations left over from the Civil War. During the Depression, with unemployment at 25%, the federal government didn’t want to spend a dime more than necessary. So foreign threats seemed far off—almost another planet.

Meanwhile, fascism was on the rise. Hitler attempted his Beer Hall Putsch in the early 1920s and rose to power around the same time Roosevelt did. Japan, mostly untouched by WWI, began expanding into China and Southeast Asia, needing resources due to their geography.

Japan modernized rapidly—from Commodore Perry’s arrival in 1853 to a global military power in under a century. They had once treated POWs well during the Russo-Japanese War and WWI, but that civility would vanish.

Liam:
Why was the U.S. military treated so poorly?

Richard:
Money. Plain and simple. Look at the Bonus Army. Veterans like Joe Angelo, who saved Patton’s life in WWI, were left destitute. Angelo had to pawn his Distinguished Service Cross to survive. Veterans set up camps in Washington, D.C., demanding early bonuses, only to be forced out by MacArthur, Patton, and Eisenhower.

Tanks rolled through their camps. Tear gas was used. It was one of the most shameful moments—heroes of WWI treated like criminals. Uniformed soldiers in D.C. had to wear civilian clothes to avoid backlash.

Liam:
And all of this while global tensions were rising?

Richard:
Exactly. By the mid-1930s, the Neutrality Acts were passed. These were meant to keep us out of foreign wars but often ended up helping aggressors by cutting aid to victims. While Franco's Spain was testing Blitzkrieg tactics with Nazi and Italian help, we were handing shovels to the Civilian Conservation Corps.

George C. Marshall, who would become the Army Chief of Staff, was leading efforts with outdated World War I tanks and broom handles. It was dangerous and embarrassing.

Liam:
So America First gained traction?

Richard:
Yes. The America First movement had strong support across the country. Even Charles Lindbergh, a national hero, was its poster boy. But he was manipulated by the Nazis—awarded a medal by Göring, shown staged German airfields to exaggerate their power. When he returned, he told Americans we couldn’t beat Germany and shouldn’t try.

Liam:
He played right into their propaganda?

Richard:
Exactly. He was unwittingly—or perhaps knowingly—spreading their message. Roosevelt and others saw the danger, but the country was still recovering economically. Americans didn’t want another war.

Liam:
What about the Japanese aggression?

Richard:
Roosevelt gave the “Quarantine Speech” condemning Japanese actions in China. But after the Panay Incident, where a U.S. ship was bombed, we let it slide—too afraid to confront war. Americans died, but the message was clear: stay out of it.

Liam:
So history really does repeat.

Richard:
It does. The America First sentiment is still around today. Back then, it stemmed from real concerns—debt, unemployment, exhaustion from war. But ignoring growing threats only delayed the inevitable. In 1939, the U.S. finally began to turn the corner. But by then, the dominoes were already falling.

Liam:
Thank you, Rich. Always incredible insight. Stay tuned for part two of this conversation on History Repeats.