Trump just revealed that he made over $2.2 Billion in 2025

At 10:34 Eastern Time in the morning, the Supreme Court released one of the most consequential constitutional decisions of our lifetime. For months, America had been waiting to see whether one of the oldest promises in our Constitution would survive, or whether Donald Trump's Supreme Court would fundamentally rewrite who gets to be an American. For nearly two hours after the ruling came down, Donald Trump was nowhere to be found. And when he finally broke his silence, he told the country exactly how he views the Constitution: as an obstacle to get around.

Based on the events of 6-30-2026

The Breakdown:

• The Supreme Court upheld birthright citizenship, protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, in a 5-4 decision on the constitutional question
• Chief Justice Roberts: "Citizenship, then and now, was the right to have rights. We keep that promise today"
• The court affirmed United States v. Wong Kim Ark, settled law for 128 years
• Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch dissented. Kavanaugh voted to strike the order but refused to join Roberts on the constitutional question
• Kavanaugh wrote the roadmap: Congress could pass legislation creating exceptions, and he would uphold it
• Why the next time this comes before the court, it takes only one justice changing sides
• Trump's response: Congress can "easily make it up" and end birthright citizenship through legislation
• Trump congratulating "President Xi, and the Great Country of China, on their massive Birthright Citizenship WIN"
• A separate 6-3 ruling struck down federal limits on how much political parties can spend in coordination with their candidates
• The case was brought by the NRSC, NRCC, and J.D. Vance when he was a Senate candidate
• Justice Kagan's warning: a party can now serve as a candidate's personal checking account, funneling up to $500,000 around the $7,000 limit
• How the old guardrail worked and what its removal means heading into November
• The Peter Thiel connection to Vance, and how this was a years-long project
• The Wall Street Journal reported Trump held conversations with Hegseth and Caine about returning to all-out war with Iran
• Trump's own 2011 and 2012 posts accusing Obama of planning to start a war with Iran to get reelected, describing his own playbook
• Trump's 927-page financial disclosure, compared to Obama's 8 pages and Biden's 11
• $635 million in royalties from the $TRUMP meme coin, which has collapsed 98 percent while more than a million investors lost $2.3 billion
• More than $500 million from World Liberty Financial, with an Emirati royal purchasing a 49 percent stake before advanced AI chips were approved for the UAE
• Stock purchases timed to FTC trials and ICE contracts, and foreign property deals in Saudi Arabia and the UAE
• Why every margin he is trying to hold, the war, the money, the courts, the elections, is the same slim margin
• The Brookings data: Republicans have underperformed 2024 in every single special election this cycle

The Constitution held today by a single vote. The distance between a ceasefire and a ground invasion is one conversation. The House majority is five seats. The margin that matters most is the one we control. In 2020, the system held because the people made it hold, by showing up in numbers too large to steal. That is what this moment requires again. A win so large it overwhelms the infrastructure of denial. And we are already building it.

This commentary represents my personal opinions and analysis of matters of public concern, informed by publicly available information. Any references to individuals constitute opinion and commentary protected under the First Amendment.

Transcript

SPEAKER_00 0:03

I'm Heather Claney Reese, and you're listening to Hope for America, where every day I bring you the truth about our politics, our country, and the forces trying to destroy them. Together, we cut through the noise, expose the lies, and stay focused on what really matters, fighting for the survival of our country.

SPEAKER_01 0:25

At 1034 level time yesterday morning, the Supreme Court released one of the most consequential constitutional decisions of our lifetime. For months, America has been waiting to see whether one of the oldest promises in our constitution would survive, or whether Donald Trump's Supreme Court would give in to his demands and fundamentally rewrite Who Gets to Be an American. For nearly two hours after the ruling came down, Donald Trump was nowhere to be found. His schedule was closed to the press. There were no cameras, no remarks about it. For a man who has spent years demanding an end to birthright citizenship and who rarely misses an opportunity to attack after a clinical loss, back silence spoke volumes. Then at 1223 p.m. he finally broke his silence, posting O True Social. The Supreme Court upheld birthright citizenship, which is too bad for our country, but we can easily make it up in Congress through legislation. With the support of the President, that has now been determined during this process. No long an unwieldy constitutional amendment is necessary. Congress should start today to work on entering expensive and unfair to our country, birthright citizenship. They will have my complete and total support, President Donald J. Trump. Followed nearly an hour later by I would like to congratulate President Xi and the great country of China on their massive birthright citizenship win. President Donald J. Trump. It's just those few sentences. Donald Trump told us exactly how he views the Constitution. It isn't the highest law of the land to him, it's just an obstacle to get around. Five justices had just ruled that birthright citizenship is protected by the 14th Amendment. And hours later, he was telling the country Congress could simply overrule them with ordinary legislation. This was the President of the United States announcing that if the Constitution stands in the way of what he wants, then the Constitution doesn't matter anyway. Because in Donald Trump's mind, there is no law higher than Donald Trump himself. The ruling was clear. Chief Justice John Roberts, writing for the majority, traced birthright citizenship from the English common law through the founding era, through the abolitionists, through the ratification of the 14th Amendment, and arrived at a conclusion that should have surprised no one. Citizenship then and now was the right to have rights to freely participate in our political community. Roberts wrote, the frailers of the 14th Amendment extended that promise to every free-born person in this land. We keep that promise today. The court affirmed its own landmark ruling from 1898, United States versus Wong Kim Art, which held that a man born in San Francisco to Chinese immigrants was a citizen by birth. For 128 years, it was settled. And yesterday, three justices said it should not be. Justice Clarence Thomas wrote a 91-page dissent, arguing that the 14th Amendment was only ever intended to apply to freed slaves and their descendants. Justice San Molito called the majority ruling a serious mistake and said it saddles the country with what he called a medieval rule that even the United Kingdom has abandoned. Justice Neil Gorsch joined both of their descents. And then there was Justice Bret Kavanaugh, who voted to strike down Trump's executive order but refused to join Roberts on the constitutional question. Kavanaugh wrote that the order violated a federal statute and not the Constitution, and that Congress could, consistent with the 14th Amendment, pass new legislation creating exemptions to birthright citizenship. That means on the question that actually matters whether the constitution itself protects birthright citizenship, the vote was really five to four. One vote was the difference between every child born in this country being an American and a president deciding which one counts. The 14th Amendment is not ambiguous. It does not require creative interpretation. It says that all persons born in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States. The language was chosen deliberately by people who had just fought a civil war over who counts as a human being in this country. They wrote it broadly on purpose, rejecting every attempt to narrow it, because they understood that the whole point of the amendment was to make citizenship something that could never be taken away by the powerful from the vulnerable. And yet, four sitting justices looked at those words and said they do not mean what they say. Justice Jatson, in her concurrence, responded to Thomas Darkley, pointing out that despite his longstanding endorsement of a colorblind constitution, he was now arguing that the citizenship clause was a race-conscious remedial measure that applied only to one group of people. Roberts himself noted that the arguments embraced by the dissenters are the same ones the losing side made in 1898, writing that this view commanded only a dissent, and neither time nor circumstance has changed the fact it is not the law. But here's what should trouble all of us. The next time this question comes before the court only takes one justice changing sides, really. One retirement, one appointment, one shift. Kavanaugh has already written the roadmap. He told Congress exactly how to do it. He told them they can pass a statute and he would uphold it. And right before that, really, the Supreme Court handed down another one that will reshift the next election and every election after it. In a six to three decision, alongside ideological lives, the court struck down federal limits on how much political parties can spend in coordination with their own candidates, overturning restrictions that have been in place since the Watergate era. The case was originally brought by the National Republican Senatorial Committee, the National Republican Congressional Committee, and J.D. Bance, who was then a Senate candidate. Justice Kavanaugh wrote the majority opinion. Justice Kagan in dissent warned that no limits on coordinated expenditures. A party can essentially serve as a candidate's personal checking account, allowing donors to funnel up to 500,000 to political campaigns through the party. Farks in 7,000 living on direct contributions to individual candidates. A big way for Republicans, and more importantly, the First Amendment. President Donald J. Trump. So the same morning, the same president told the country the Supreme Court does not matter when it ruled against him. Turn around and celebrate at the court when it ruled in his favor. The Constitution is an obstacle when it protects the citizenship of immigrant children. The First Amendment is sacred when it opens the floodgates for Republican donors. And the timing of this ruling is important. Republicans are entering this election year with a massive cash on yet advantage over Democrats. They hold the house by five seats, and a court just removed one of the last structural limits on how much money can be poured into defending those five seats. It's long been reported that Vice President JD Vance rose politically due to the financial backing of Peter Teal, the billionaire tech investor whose name appears in the Epstein files, and his company Palantir Powers ICE and Government Surveillance. Vance has never hidden his ambition to be the heir to the VACA throne, and Thiel has never hidden his ambition to reshape the American political system to serve the interests of his small group of men with enormous wealth. This was their project. It took four years to reach the Supreme Court, which tells us how far back the planet goes and how deliberate the execution of it has been. There is a network of people who have spent years building the legal, financial, and political infrastructure for what we are watching unfold right now. And this really has one of the biggest levers they were waiting to pull. To understand why, we have to go back to how the money used to work and what just changed. I took the old rules, an individual donor could give a maximum of $7,000 directly to a candidate's campaign. They could also give larger amounts to national party committees, but those committees base strict limits on how much they could spend in coordination with the candidates, meaning working together on messaging strategy and all got claisement. The party could still spend unlimited money on a candidate's behalf independently, but independent spending is inherently less effective because the campaign and the party cannot talk to each other about how to use it. The candidate runs one message and the party might run a different one, and neither side could pick up the phone to fix it. That inefficiency was the point. It was the guard run and meant that even though massless sums of money were flowing into politics after the Citizens United ruling, there was still a wall between the biggest donors and the candidates themselves. That wall is gone now. After yesterday's ruling, a national party committee can spend unlimited amounts in direct coordination with the candidate. A single donor can give hundreds of thousands of dollars through the party, and the party of the candidate can sit in the same room, design the same nuts, target the same voters, and deploy that money together as if the contribution limits did not exist. We saw in 2024 what unlimited outside money could do even when it was not coordinated like that. Groups like MAG Inc. sped hundreds of millions on how much they have, and that flood cash was one of the major reasons he won. Now imagine that same flood of money, but with the candidate directing every dollar of it. That is what this ruling just made label. We are a country of slim margins right now, not just with the 14th Amendment holding by a single vote on the constitutional question, but also with the war in Iran. Trump's schedule was closed to the press for the entire day yesterday, even with three landmark Supreme Court rulings that were dropped. And the Wall Street Journal reported that this might have had something to do with Trump having held multiple conversations in recent days with Secretary of Defense, who he likes to call the Secretary of War, P. Higgs, and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Dan Kay, about returning to an all-out war with Iran. That's boots on the ground. The conversations, according to U.S. officials, centered on whether Washington should abandon negotiations and resume the full-scale attacks that some officials describe as finishing the job. The general reported that Trump decided to stick with diplomatic talks for Dale, but the reporting also noted something that deserves more attention. Some officials acknowledge that resuming the conflict would be an admission that the much-touted Iran deal failed. That is the part he cannot admit and doesn't want to be asked about. Maybe that's why he was hiding from the cameras. The deal he signed was supposed to be the triumph, the amazing deal maker's masterpiece, and it is falling apart. Moved it practically from day one. Iran's chief negotiator said yesterday that Iran will not enter into any further negotiations until the terms of the memorandum of understanding are implemented. The United Kingdom raised its maritime security level threat for the strainover moose to substantial. The deal's not working. And the man who built his entire political identity on being the world's greatest negotiator is now sitting behind closed doors, hid from the press, weighing mothers who have sent Americans back to war because his negotiations failed. I hope that he stays with diplomacy. I hope that whatever is said in those rooms leads to a path that does not cost more American lives. But I do not think we're in a place anymore where we can pretend that the timing of any military decisions this president makes is separate from the splitable survival. And the reason I say that is because Donald Trump himself told us so. In November of 2011, Trump posted on Twitter, what was Twitter back then, in order to get elected, Obama will start a war with Iran. In a video blog that same month, he said, our president will start a war with Iran because he has absolutely no ability to negotiate. He's weak, needs, ineffective. So the only way he figures that he's going to get re-elected, and as sure as you're sitting there, is to start a war with Iran. He did not stop there. Throughout 2012, he kept going. On Fox News, he said, I think Obama will go to war with Iran because I think he views it as good politically. I think he views that as a positive from a political standpoint. And I think he's just waiting for the right moment. In October 2012, as Obama's poll numbers did dip, Trump wrote, Now that Obama's poll numbers are it tails, watch for him to launch a strike in Libya or Iran. He is desperate. And then a warning to his own party, don't let Obama play the Iran card in order to start a war, in order to get elected. Be careful, Republicans. He described it all. The desperation, the inability to negotiate, the political calculation, the willingness to wait for the right moment, the willingness to waste lives for political survival. He told us not what Obama would do, but what he would do. And he already started that plan when he first launched his military actions. He wrote his own playbook. The midterms are only four months away, and he is considering exactly what he said Obama would do but didn't. Whether that escalation comes as a calculated on top or surprise, or as a desperate reaction to collapsing negotiations, or as a manufactured justification for emergency powers or not at all, I do not know. And I hope it does not happen, but we have to be honest about where we are. This is a president who has shown us, in his own words, that he believes a war can be timed to an election. And he is now in the exact position he once described, desperate, declining, unable to negotiate, and watching his numbers fall. And while he was behind those closed doors yesterday, the US Office of Government Ethics released his annual financial disclosure. It is 927 pages gone. For context, Barack Obama's final disclosure was eight pages. Joe Biden's was 11. Donald Trump's was 927. And what that report told us was that in a single year, Trump reported nearly $1.2 billion in revenue from cryptocurrency ventures alone. He collected $635 million of realties from his dollar sign Trump meme coin, a token he launched three days before taking office. That is no utility. It's not useful, function, or value beyond paying Donald Trump. It peaked at $75 for token and now trades in about $1.67. That's a 98% collapse. For every dollar of trading fees, the creators of that coin collected investors lost 20. More than 1 million investors have collectively lost $2.3 billion. Many of them are his old supporters, an early group of investors who got in at dirt cheap prices cashed out with the days, pocketing nearly $17 billion, including one account created just hours before the coin launched that walked away with $109 million. The charts of the Offrey prohibit buyers from joining any class actionosis. The fine print labels the coin as artwork, and the president of the United States pocketed $635 million for it while the people who trusted him lost nearly everything. He also reported more than $5 winner from World Liberty Financial, the crypto venture co-founded by Trump is C. Witkoff, the man who sent him as a service as the Middle East envoy. That's the man negotiating with the very governments that are pouring money into Trump's businesses. World Liberty sent 75% of its net revenue directly to the Trumps. A member of the MRI oil family purchased a 49% stake in the company for $500 million just for days before the inauguration. Months later, the Trump administration approved the transfer of advanced AI chips to the UAE. The filing also shows that Trump purchased Amazon stock work between $500,000 and a million dollars on September 23rd. The safe day of trial began at Seattle Federal Court for an FTC lawsuit against the company. That trial ended two days later when Amazon agreed to settle. He purchased between $1 million and $5 million in Azion Enterprise stock, roughly two weeks before ICE moved to solicit a five-year $220 million taser contract with the specifications that experts said effectively excluded any bidder other than Axion. In just the first three months of 2026, he reported more than 3,600 buy and sell orders worth between $220 million and $750 million in companies like NVIDIA, Microsoft, Amazon, Meta, Oracle, Prodcom, Bank of America, Goldman Sachs. Nearly all of them are companies whose fortunes he directly controls through his own policy decisions. Many, if not all, are also donors of this. And then there are the foreign property deals, tens of millions in new licensing fees from developments in Saudi Arabia and the UAE, countries he was simultaneously negotiating with over arms sales, tariffs, and ship transfers. At least 22 overseas developments are in progress. At least five announced since his inauguration. The mayor fought all the way to the Supreme Court to prevent anyone from seeing his tax returns, who broke a house entry of precedent by refusing to release them during either campaign, who promised in 2016 that he would release them after his audit and then walked away from that promise the moment he took office. That man just filed 927 pages. Not because he has become transparent, but because he believes these are touchable, because he has decided that the sheer scale of it is not a vulnerability but a display of power. Because in his mind there is no one left who can hold him accountable. These are all pieces of the same project. And that project is holding power because losing the House of November does not just mean a political setback for this president. It means subpoena power for Delocrats. It means investigations into the crypto ventures with stock trades, the foreign deals, the war. It means potentially impeachment and removal. It means the ability to block legislation and demand answers for a president who is simultaneously running a war, running a financial empire for the old law office, and telling the country that the Supreme Court does not matter. Losing the house is not a setback. It is the end of the operation. Every margin he is trying to hold, the war, the money, the courts, the elections, they are all the same margin. And they are all sore. So what do we do? What do we do in this moment? What are the things that we could do to make sure that we do take back coppers at the midterms? Because that's where our focus needs to be. We make the one margin we control so wide that it overwhelms everything else. I think a lot about 2020. The system held after that election. But not because the institutions were strong enough on their own. The fake electors were organized, the pressure campaign on the vice president was executed, the mob was sent to the Capitol, the machinery of overturning the result was built and deployed. But the numbers were too big. I didn't win by enough, in enough states, by wide enough margins that the lies could not close the gap. The system held because the people made it whole by showing up in numbers that were too large to seal. That is what this moment requires again. Not a narrow win. Not a win that can be easily litigated at court or drowned in claims of fraud. A ring so large that it overwhelms the infrastructure of denial. We are already seeing exactly that happen. The Brookings Institution has been tracking every special election in the 2025 to 2026 cycle. And what the data shows is remarkable. In every single one of them, Republicans have performed worse than they did in 2024. Not most of them, all of them, even in districts they held, even in deep red seas where no one expected to fight. A Democrat won the Florida State House seat that covers Trump's own Mar-a-Lago, defeating a candidate he personally endorsed. Democratic Senate candidates are raising the kind of money that used to be reserved for presidential campaigns. James Helenrico brought in 27 million in a single quarter of Texas, a state Trump carried by nearly 14 points. The top five Democratic Senate candidates had a combined 80 million on hand heading into April, and the DCCC has identified more than 40 Republican held districts where they believe they can compete. That's not wishable thinking. That was organizing. That is money. That is people showing up race after race in places where the old map said they should not bother. The energy is real and it is building. President's financial corruption is documented across 927 pages that he released, and no one with the power to stop it has done so. But the response to those slim margins has that anything but slim. Millions of people are giving, organizing, knocking on doors, showing up in districts that were never supposed to be competitive, and building the kind of movement that we need to stop the takeover of our country. The margin that matters most is the Lungerie control. And that margin is ours to build. And we are already doing it. That is why I sold hope for America and you should too. And remember, no matter how dark the days get, I will be here every single day, and together we will always find hope for America. I'll see you tomorrow.